THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINA 


THE  COLLECTION  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINIANA 

PRESENTED  BY 

Mrs.   J.M.   Freeland 


C329 

Rlj.2 

1906     c.3 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


00018461709 


Ths  b00k  may  be  kept  Qut  one  month 

Carolina  Collect.on  (m  Wilson  Library)  for  renewal 


FEB  2  0 


Form  No.  A-369 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.org/details/republicanhandboOOrepu 


>'vw-    >  <  ^  - 


tpubltcan  p^anti  Book 

Jl?orti)  Carolina. 

REPUBLICAN      STATE 
EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


1906 


ISSUED  BY  THE 

REPUBLICAN 

STATE 

COMMITTEE 

^ATE  HEADQUARTERS 

BEN  BOW   HOTEL 
GREENSBORO,  N.  C. 


Republican  ^tate  €*ecuttoe  Committee 


OFFICERS 

S.   B.  ADAMS 

WM.  S.  PEARSON 
BAILE\ 



MEMBERS  AT   LAR( 

THOS.  S.   R< 

Hville 
JOHN  C.  AM,  irham 

WHEELER  MAP  I 

CAMPAIGN  COMMITTEE 

).   HARRIS,   Dillsh 
W     S.   PEA  I 
T.   HICK 

'MS,   Hen*1 

CONGRESSIONAL  DISTRICTS 

A.   BERRY,   Swan  Qiu 
2d— D.  VV.  PATRICK,  Snow  Mill 

Elizabeth 
7th— W.  A.  BAH 

KJBURN,    ' 

10th 


The  Harrison  Press,  Greensbon 


PREFATORY. 

The  Kepublican  party  of  North  Carolina  is  not  on  trial; 
it  is  the  Democratic  party  that  is  to  give  an  account  of  its 
trusteeship  to  the  people.  In  the  Executive,  Legislative  and 
Judicial  Departments  of  the  State  Government,  Republican- 
ism, representing  two-fifths  of  the  white  voting  strength,  has 
no  place  or  power.  The  disfranchisement  features  of  the 
amendment  of  1900  have  extended  in  spirit  to  very  nook  and 
corner  of  the  State  government. 

Of  the  97  counties  of  the  State,  all  those  having  the  smallest 
proportion  of  negro  population  are  either  decidedly  Repub- 
lican sentiment,  or  contest  for  county  supremacy  with  their 
Democratic  neighbors  upon  something  like  an  equal  footing. 
The  most  progressive  parts  of  the  State  show  the  greatest 
Republican  increase.  Were  the  hands  of  the  poorer  classes 
in  east  and  west,  now  tied  by  the  poll  tax  requirement,  once 
free,  not  so  much  of  the  amount  of  tribute  as  of  the  skilfully 
devised  methods  of  its  exaction,  no  reasonable  doubt  remains 
but  that  the  State  would  have  a  Republican  Governor,  if  not 
a  majority  in  the  Legislature. 

The  conceded  knowledge  of  these  facts  renders  especially 
cruel  and  indecent  the  exclusion  of  all  Republican  represen- 
tation from  exery  Charitable  or  other  Executive  Board  having 
charge  of  State  work.  It  cannot  be  that  of  more  than  80,000 
white  voters,  contributing  at  least  their  fair  share  to  the 
States  taxes  and  the  State 's  wealth,  there  should  not  be  found 
fit  representatives  from  whom  selection  could  be  made  to 
Supervise  the  distribution  of  their  taxes,  and  the  care  of  the 
State's  unfortunates.  Yet  such  has  been  the  unchallenged 
status  in  North  Carolina  for  the  past  ten  years. 

It  is  government  in  which  a  large  minority,  pressing  at  the 
very  gates  of  power,  and  apt  in  any  election  to  become  the 
majority,  have  had  no  voice  or  influence  or  consideration.  We 
believe  that  similar  conditions  prevail  nowhere  else  in  self- 
governing  communities,  outside  the  narrow  circle  of  certain 
Southern  states.  The  charge  should  be  kept  distinct  and 
clear  in  mind. 

It  is  not  that  we  are  denied  patronage.  The  places  referr- 
ed to  are  in  no  sense  lucrative,  though  of  great  responsibi- 


c 


lity  and  influence.  There  is  no  complaint  that  Democracy, 
faithful  to  its  long  history,  maintains  the  tenet  that  to  the 
victors  belong-  the  spoils.  It  is  true  that  the  Republican  party 
committed  thoroughly  to  the  theory  of  civil  service  reform, 
throws  open  all  the  lesser  offices  to  competition,  and  has  on 
its  pay-rolls,  in  many  instances,  more  political  opponents 
than  friends.  It  is  not  expected  that  now,  if  ever,  our  Demo- 
cratic friends  should  raise  to  this  height ;  but  it  ought  to  be  a 
matter  of  challenge  that  they  discriminate  against  men  as 
good  as  themselves  in  the  selection  of  juries,  in  the  conduct 
of  the  common  schools,  in  the  administration  of  the  charities, 
in  the  supervision  of  the  States  great  schools,  in  ways  other 
than  these,  but  easly  suggested  by  the  mention  of  these. 

The  result  of  this  policy  has  been  to  provincialize  the  State 
Democracy,  and  to  nationalize  the  State  Republicans. 

A  Watts  law  is  passed  at  Raleigh;  it  is  administered  upon 
and  respected  in  its  integrity  by  Washington.  Its  home 
friends  have  merely  meant  it  as  a  tub  to  the  whale,  a  soothing 
panacea  to  an  aroused  clerical  conscience  which  possesses 
vast  vote-getting  power.  This  great  moral  question  is  now 
to  be  used  by  the  Democratic  party  as  the  best  available  sub- 
stitute at  hand  for  the  loss  of  the  negro  cry,  once  all  potent 
in  election  years.  • 

Not  that  it  would  do  to  give  up  Mumbo  Jumbo  all  at  once. 
That  asset  has  been  too  valuable  in  the  past  for  instant  re- 
nunciation, and  hence  we  see  in  the  recently  issued  Democratic 
Hand  Book  for  1906,  a  very  awkward  attempt  to  inject  the 
negro  question  hyperdermically,  so  to  speak.  He  is  put  in 
by  way  of  historical  survey,  along  with  our  old  friend  the 
three  days  election  under  Canby,  and  the  count  at  Charleston, 
S.  C. 

We  were  at  one  time  minded  to  hunt  up  the  old  Twenty- 
negro  conscript-exemption  law  of  1864,  four  years  earlier  in 
date  than  Canby,  and  the  $50  per  diem  of  the  Legislature  of 
1864,  with  $11  a  month  for  the  soldier  in  the  field,  but  we 
thought,  in  pleading  the  forty  year  statute  of  limitations  we 
should  in  turn  respect  it,  and  hence  forbore.  Then  we  read 
the  old  bond  story  of  1868,  and  had  Swepson  in  mind,  but 
as  he  and  Canby  and  all  the  other  actors  wer  dead,  and  a 
generation  had  since  arisen,  who  were  now  heads  of  families, 
we  thought  something  fresher  shoudl  be  offered  to  men  who 
are  to  decide  the  election  of  1906. 


3 

Bryan  and  Hoke  Smith  occurred  to  us  as  lievlier  subjects 
of  investigation  and  reflection. 

It  there  be  to-day  living  two  men,  who  represent  in  con- 
crete form  the  settled  purposes  and  secret  hopes  of  the  great 
party  they  represent  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  surely  it 
is  these  masterful  characters.  The  one  a  native  North  Caro- 
linian (how  fruitful  and  old  State  of  brain),  has  just  car- 
ried off  the  governorship  of  Georgia  upon  a  platform  which 
in  brutal  frankness  says  damn  the  negro  and  clown  with  the 
rairoads. 

Law  was  painfully  moulded  through  sweating  centuries  to 
care  for  both  of  these.  The  one  represents  two-fifths  of  that 
State's  people,  and  the  other  one-fifth  of  its  property.  The 
negro  has  never  given  the  Georgia  politicians  any  trouble; 
his  suppression  was  in  response  to  no  actual  need  of  the 
State's  welfare,  and  the  much  abused  corporations  have 
placed  that  State  in  the  very  front  rank  of  the  Gulf  sister- 
hood. The  old  Missouri  platform  of  border  days  of  "Free- 
liquor,  good  roads  and  no  hell"  raises  almost  to  respectabi- 
lity compared  with  this  Georgia  declaration  of  war  upon  the 
weak  and  the  rich,  leaving  the  fulness  of  the  earth  to  a  self- 
constituted  aristocracy  of  shiftless  landlords. 

Mr.  Bryan,  imbued  by  recent  travel  with  the  New  Zealand 
civilization  of  leveling  down  to  an  average,  goes  a  bowshot 
beyond  the  wildest  dreams  of  the  most  advanced  men  of  his 
party,  and  declares  for  Government  ownership  of  railroads. 
He  is  not  one  to  go  back,  after  once  putting  his  hand  to  the 
plow,  and  we  may  confidently  count  upon  the  railroads  help- 
ing him  to  the  Presidency,  for  their  desire  to  unload  upon 
Uncle  Sam  is  not  for  a  moment  to  be  doubted. 

Cleveland's  bond  issues,  which  used  to  scare  us  in  the  old 
days  of  Morgan's  domination,  are  but  pebbles  on  the  beach 
compared  with  the  groaning  presses  a  Bryan  government  will 
employ  in  issuing  mortgages  upon  our  wealth  to  take  over 
the  properties  of  a  dozen  or  two  gentlemen,  who  eat  at  Del- 
monico's  and  worship  at  Old  Trinity,  for  mark  you,  it  is 
only  great  through  lines  that  are  first  to  be  taken. 

The  startling  effect  of  Mr.  Bryan's  declaration  in  favor  of 
this  wild  scheme  of  centralization  upon  the  sober  thought  of 
the  country  was  so  pronounced  that  hedging  was  at  once  re- 
sorted to,  but  we  have  so  far  seen  no  open  rebellion  upon  the 
part  of  followers,  who  see  in  the  scheme  boundless  fields  of 
most  pleasant  pasturage,  and  long  for  the  prospective  flesh 


pots,  as  one  only  can  long,  who  belongs  to  a  hereditary  office- 
holding  family,  and  has  been  robbed  of  this  perquisites  by 
upstart  Republicans  risen  to  prominence  since  slavery  was 
abolished. 

As  to  State  ownership  of  the  local  lines,  the  Bryan  pro- 
gram will  find  North  Carolina  fully  posted  and  sadly  ex- 
perienced. 

The  people,  who  expect  to  see  Government  ownership  real- 
ized in  any  other  manner  than  that  before  pointed  out,  de- 
cieve  themselves. 

It  is  an  open  secret  that  the  Cleveland  election  of  1892  was 
secured  through  Mr.  Gorman's  deal  with  Havemeyer  on  the 
eve  of  elction,  and  while  the  Sheriff  promptly  repudiated  the 
deal  of  his  lieutenant,  yet  the  trade  was  carried  out  in  good 
faith  by  the  Marylander,  though  it  destroyed  the  party  in  the 
effort.  Mr.  Bryan  fell  heir  to  the  resultant  hostility  against 
Grover  Cleveland.  History  may  repeat  itself,  but  not  other- 
wise will  Domcracy  win  the  Presidency  during  the  memory  of 
men  now  living.  The  old  snap,  which  once  belonged  to  that 
party  vanished,  seemingly  never  to  return,  when  it  trusted  its 
destinies  to  Secession, 

"That  fateful  and  perfidious  bark, 
Built  in  the  eclipse  and  rigged  with  curses  dark." 
Mr.  Bryan's  efforts  merely  galvanize  the  corpse  into  seem- 
ing life,  sporadic  and  fitful,  but  the  spectrum  of  popular  in- 
quiry develops  moribund  conditions  easily  read  by  the  most 
ignorant  layman.  One  ruling  passion  remains  unchecked 
and  in  full  Jacksonian  vigor — the  lust  for  office.  The  literary 
supremacy  once  enjoyed,  through  their  Bancrofts,  Haw- 
thornes,  Iirvings  and  Bryants  gone,  the  statecraft  of  Calhoun 
and  Forsyth,  Marcy  and  Van  Burn  a  memory,  there  is  left 
the  love  of  a  job,  which  waits  not  for  the  grave  to  make 
vacancies,  but,  as  we  have  just  seen  in  Alabama,  the  party 
holds  an  election  for  the  Senatorial  shoes  of  venerable  men, 
whose  age  is  taken  as  offense.  The  wound  deepest  in  Ham- 
let's heart,  was  "that  the  funeral  baked  meats  did  voldly 
furnish  forth  the  marriage  supper."  Alabama  Democracy 
are  seemingly  below  the  level  of  old-time  Danish  lust. 

We  are  more  decent  in  this  State.  Here  our  Democratic 
friends  are  guilty  of  no  more  heinous  offense  than  pre-empt- 
ing the  choice  seats  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  House  at 
Raleigh  immediately  upon  receiving  nominations,  and  of  de- 
claring themeslves  candidates  for  Speaker  before  the  people 


have  as  much  as  signified  a  wish  that  they  should  have  seats 
on  the  floor. 

"When  I  eateh  this  bird  and  one  more,  I  will  have  two", 
said  a  young  sportsman,  who  came  home  at  night  with  an 
empty  game  bag.  This  bit  of  homely  wisdom  is  commended 
to  more  than  one  ambitious  statesman,  who  has  forgotten  the 
surprises  of  1894 — to  be  more  than  repeated  this  year. 

Governor  Ayeoek  was  the  champion  leader  in  the  election 
of  1900,  and  stood  sponsor  for  his  party  in  promising  that 
with  the  passage  of  the  constitutional  amendment  the  cry  of 
negro  domination,  never  true  in  fact,  should  caese  to  be  a 
battle  cry  in  election  years.  This  promise  attracted  thou- 
sands of  voters  to  the  Democratic  ticket  in  that  year;  yet  in 
1906,  the  Campaign  Committee  of  that  party,  speaking 
through  its  Senator-Chairman,  whose  victories  in  the  past 
have  been  won  on  that  issue,  goes  back  on  Governor  Aycock's 
pledge.  "Negro  Suffrage  on  People",  "Pandemonium 
Reigned,"  "Overthrow  of  Carpet  Bag  and  Negro  Govern- 
ment, "  "  Shame  on  a  Horror, ' '  which  same  is  that  Jim  Young 
was  a  fertilizer  inspector  under  Russell,  and  remains  a  clerk 
under  Duncan — these  and  headlines  like  these  follow  page 
after  page  in  the  Hand  Book  of  this  year  of  grace.  Really 
the  old  editorial  of  Joe  Turner  is  refreshing  literature  com- 
pared with  this.  And  the  purpose  of  it?  Is  it  believed  to 
be  a  vote-getting  proposition?  Surely  not!  It  must  be 
meant  to  carry  the  mind  of  the  average  Democrat  instinctive- 
ly back  to  the  name  of  the  Senator  Chairman,  who  comes  up 
for  re-election  this  year. 

One  other  reference  to  this  work  of  art.  We  have  reason 
to  suspect  most  of  its  matter  to  be  the  leavings  of  old  News- 
Observer  editorials,  and  great-to-do  is  made  of  the  Democratic 
care  for  the  insane,  and  the  desire  to  reform  young  criminals. 
The  State  owes  it  to  the  News-Observer  and  its  henchmen  that 
the  insane  were  not  properly  cared  for  by  the  last  Legislature, 
and  Senator  Scales  of  Guilford  carefully  matured  a  bill  for 
a  Reformatory  which,  after  passing  the  Senate,  was  killed 
in  the  House  by  these  same  henchmen.  Yet,  with  unparallel- 
ed cheek,  speakers  of  the  Democratic  party  will  have  these 
broken  pledges  again  in  pawn  for  this  campaign. 

It  is  the  acknowledged  merit  of  Republican  pla,tforms  that 
they  foreshadow  corresponding  action,  and  on  both  the  Re- 
formatory and  the  Care  of  the  Insane  we  stand  committed 
to  the  most  liberal  appropriations. 


Coming  into  the  sunlight  from  these  dusty  chambers  of  the 
past,  what  has  the  Republican  party  of  North  Carolina  to 
offer  the  voter  of  1906  by  way  of  contrast  to  Democratic 
methods  at  present  in  vogue.  We  make  answer  and  say — ab- 
solute respect  for  the  will  of  a  majority,  ascertained  upon  an 
honest  count,  upon  every  question  concerning  which  there  is 
dispute. 

If  it  be  temperance,  the  falsely  clad  name  of  Prohibition, 
let  the  people  of  each  community  settle  the  matter  to  suit 
themselves,  instead  of  having  it  settled  for  them  by  some  local 
Democratic  boss,  who  manages  to  get  into  the  Legislature  in- 
stead of  into  the  State  Asylum. 

If  it  be  the  education  of  children,  let  the  fathers  and  the 
brothers  of  those  children  by  vote  say  in  each  county  to  whom 
shall  be  committed  the  management  and  distribution  of  the 
large  tax  fund  raised  for  a  holy  purpose,  but  too  often  divert- 
ed in  rewarding  local  favorites  of  the  Democratic  managers. 

If  it  be  the  regulation  and  control  of  corporations,  especial- 
ly common  carriers,  let  the  people  decide  whether  confiscation 
is  meant  as  outlined  by  Bryan,  or  fair  treatment  as  advocated 
by  Roosevelt,  and  we  stand  with  Roosevelt. 

On  other  matters  not  so  directly  subject  to  popular  vote, 
let  the  decision  be  made  between  platform  promises  that  are 
kept,  and  those  that  once  broken  are  again  offered. 

As  to  the  personnel  of  the  two  tickets  offered  North  Caro- 
lina voters  this  year,  we  are  not  aware  that  any  issue  is  being 
made.  Children  of  a  common  mother,  differently  trained, 
with  opposing  prejudices  and  conflicting  ambitions,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  patriotic  regard  for  the  State's  welfare  would 
be  the  dominating  influence  controlling  the  action  of  each  of 
them  in  the  event  of  election. 

For  ourselves,  we  pitch  the  key-note  of  the  contest  upon 
another  octave,  a  higher  one  too  we  trust,  to-wit  that  our 
opponents  are  not  in  harmony  with  the  present  conditions  of 
society,  except  as  they  have  advanced  too  far  in  the  direction 
of  socialism,  and  that  both  the  genuine  reformer  and  the  con- 
servative defender  of  property,  whatever  its  species,  are  alike 
interested  this  year  in  the  success  of  the  State  Republican 
party. 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 
OF  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

The  Republican  party  of  North  Carolina  in  convention 
assembled  at  Greensboro,  N.  C,  July  10,  1906,  congratulating 
all  the  people  of  the  State  upon  prevaling  conditions,  as  the 
unqusetioned  offshoots  of  Republican  policies  enforced  since 
1897,  resolve  and  declare  the  following  to  be  a  summary  of 
their  beliefs  upon  the  more  vital  questions  of  present  interest 
and  of  the  action  they  will  take  if  given  power  by  the  state: 

1  We  claim  for  the  adminstration  of  President  Roosevelt 
that  it  has  satisfied  every  reasonable  demand  of  the  patriot, 
the  reformer  and  the  worker  in  every  field  of  human  en- 
deavor; that  it  has  established  the  currency  upon  a  basis 
not  to  be  shaken;  that  it  has  vastly  extended  our  foreign 
commerce,  and  so  added  largely  to  the  nation's  wealth;  that 
it  has  kept  the  peace  at  home  and  promoted  it  abroad;  that 
it  has  expended  the  national  revenue  wisely  and  with  absolute 
honesty  ;that  it  has  laid  bare  and  punished  with  iron  hand 
every  species  of  official  or  corporate  corruption,  brought  to 
nght  by  vigilant  agents  of  its  own  choosing,  that  it  has 
hearkened  to  the  voice  of  the  oppressed  in  all  alnds  and  given 
sympathy  when  forbidden  by  law  to  give  more;  that  it  has 
aimed  with  true  and  constant  purpose  to  reflect  in  its  every 
act  the  highest  and  finest  aspirations  of  the  American  people, 
northern  and  southern,  eastern  and  western. 

2.  We  state  with  regret  the  acknowledged  fact  that  the  laws 
of  own  State  have  not  been  enforced  by  the  Democratic 
administrators  in  state  and  county  affairs. 

The  legislation  upon  the  subject  of  temperance,  so  dear  to 
a  large  part  of  our  best  people,  is  confessedly  a  dead  letter  as 
relates   to   its    enforcement   by    State    officials — Republican 
officials  of  Internal  Revenue  bearing  the.  whole  burden  of 
commanding  for  it  popular  obedience. 

Yet  the  amazing  spectacle  is  presented  of  a  party,  which 
has  kept  the  promise  to  the  ear  and  broken  it  to  the  hope  now 
masquerading  as  Prohibitionists  in  such  sections  of  the  State, 
as  they  deem  ripe  for  that  experiment  in  law-making. 

The  Republ  can  party  insists  that  every  county  and  every 
town  should  be  allowed  to  determine  for  itself  by  vote  the 


question  of  whether,  and  if  so,  how  whiskey  shall  be  sold  in 
its  limits  as  well  as  who  shall  hold  its  offices,  and  tliat  they 
shall,  none  of  them,  be  appointed  by  the  Legislature  or  jus- 
tices of  the  peace  or  any  other  authority  than  the  people. 

3.  We  refute,  in  the  proper  spirit  of  just  indignation,  the 
frequent  threat  of  danger  to  the  State  from  our  coming  into 
power,  made  by  Democratic  speakers  and  newspapers.  The 
merest  novice  in  political  conditions  must  know  that  victory 
for  us  can  come  from  the  addition  of  one  constituency  alone — 
the  men  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance  and  the  People's  party,  to 
whom  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  the  Republicans,  the  State 
owes  the  great  upward  movement  in  railroads  regulation,  in 
female  education,  in  common  school  education,  in  the  pres- 
erving, care  and  encouragement  of  the  University,  A  & 
M.  College  and  other  State  institutions,  threatened  then  as 
now  with  ghost  stories  of  their  destruction. 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  continue  and  perfect  the  common 
school  system  begun  by  the  republic  until  a  good  English 
education  is  in  the  reach  of  every  child. 

We  shall  advocate  one  or  more  reformatories  for  youthful 
criminals,  and  pledge  the  people  that,  given  power,  no  insane 
man  or  woman,  white  or  black,  shall  lack  the  State's  care,  be 
the  cost  what  it  may. 

4.  We  congratulate  the  people  of  the  state  upon  the 
removal  of  the  Atlantic  &  North  Carolina  Railroad  from  the 
sphere  of  active  politics,  but  denounce  the  refusal  of  State 
Democratic  officials  to  let  the  light  of  publicity  shine  upon 
the  evidence  taken  behind  closed  doors,  which  led  to  the  lease 
of  that  piece  of  State  property. 

Graft  ivas  admitted,  but  never  suffered  punishment,  thus 
showing  in  marked  contrast  a  national  Republican,  as  against 
a  state  Democratic  administration.  We  further  denounce 
the  method  of  the  Democratic  party  in  appointing  an  investi- 
gating committee  of  strictly  partism  Democrats. 

5.  If  Democratic  testimony  is  to  be  taken,  the  present  Cor- 
poration Commission  exists  chiefly  for  the  purpose  or  drawing 
salaries.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  make  it  efficient.  At  pres- 
ent it  is  the  laughing  stock  of  well-informed  people,  but  no 
less  a  burden  upon  the  tax-payer. 

6.  The  Democratic  party  for  years  has  vaunted  its  friend- 
ship for  the  Confederate  soldier,  while  leaving  him,  in  many 
cases,  an  object  of  charit}'.  The  Republicans  by  their  votes 
in  the  General  Assembly  have  ever  shown  their  friendship 


9 

for  this  most  honored  class  of  our  countrymen,  now  daily 
lessening  in  number. 

We  advocate  doubling  the  pittance  now  received  by  these 
veterans  and,  if  we  secure  a  legislative  majority,  shall  vote  as 
we  promise. 

7.  We  favor  ingid  restriction  of  the  servile  immigration 
now  coming  to  this  country  from  Europe,  and  shall  aid  by 
every  means  in  our  power  to  uphold  the  dignity  and  manhood 
of  native  American  citizenship. 

We  rejoice  that  sectionalism  is  a  thing  of  the  past. 

8.  We  favor  the  establishment  of  te  Appalachian  Park, 
and  pledge  any  Republican  congressman  elected  from  this 
State  to  be  its  friend ;  but  its  establishment  must  be  the  work 
of  Republican  statesmanship  and  those  its  friends  miscount 
who  look  to  see  it  come  from  discredited  Democratic  bunglers 
in  administration. 

9.  We  charge  that  the  Democratic  State  adminstration 
has  been  costly  beyond  precedent  without  being  efficient; 
that  the  dockets  of  the  courts  in  very  many  counties  remain 
clogged,  through  judges  and  solicitors  have  been  increased 
in  number  and  in  pay. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  frauds  upon  the  suffrage, 
and  we  believe  that  the  great  amount  of  crime  and  lawless- 
ness that  prevail  and  seem  to  be  on  the  increase  in  our  State, 
including  lynchings,  are  due  to  the  licentious  tongues  of 
Democratis  orators  and  others  who  teach  that  it  is  right  to 
commit  crime  and  fraud  for  the  Democratic  party.  Honest 
men  can  see  no  difference  between  stealing  a  ballot  and  a 
horse — between  a  false  return  of  the  result  of  an  election 
and  a  false  oath  in  the  court  house,  a  false  verdict  in  the  jury 
box. 

10.  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  convention  that  town  and  city 
poll  tax  in  North  Carolina  should  not  exceed  one  dollar. 


And  whereas,  some  dissensions  has  arisen  among  Repub- 
licans on  account  of  contest  over  appointment  to  federal 
offices,  which  with  charges  and  counter  charges  have  been 
given  undue  prominence  by  the  Democratic  press,  and 
whereas  the  Democratic  party  has  been  enabled  to  retain  its 
hold  upon  the  State  government  by  appeals  to  race  preju- 


10 

dice,  reference  to  the  disorders  and  confusion  resulting  from 
the  war  and  "the  days  of  '68,"  as  well  as  the  manifold 
repetition  of  the  statement  that  all  Republicans  are  office- 
seekers  ;  it  is  therefore  now 

Resolved,  That  the  State  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Republican  party  be  and  is  hereby  instructed  to  assemble, 
and  each  and  every  member  thereof,  in  Greensboro,  N.  C, 
on  the  first  day  of  September,  1906,  and  on  the  first  days  of 
March  and  September  in  each  and  every  year  thereafter, 
and  shall  then  and  there  before  adjournment  consider  ap- 
plication for  appointment  to  all  federal  offices  in  North 
Carolina,  the  terms  of  which  shall  expire  in  the  next  six 
months,  and  to  recommend  to  the  appointing  power  in  each 
instance  a  suitable  person  for  each  position,  except  in  such 
districts  as  are  represented  by  a  Republican  congressman. 
That  no  application  shall  be  considered  unless  the  applicant 
shall  state  in  his  application  that  he  will  submit  to  the  action 
and  recommendation  of  the  committee  without  further  con- 
test. 

Resolved,  That  the  executive  committee  in  making  recom- 
mendations for  appointment  to  federal  positions  shall  observe 
well  that  the  applicant  has  the  support  of  his  local  party 
friends,  in  addition  to  being  well  qualified  for  the  position. 


Resolved,  That  the  Republican  party  of  North  Carolina  is 
in  favor  of  extending  the  operations  of  what  is  known  as 
the  "grandfather  clause"  in  the  recently  adopted  amend- 
ment to  the  constitution  of  North  Carolina,  to  the  year  1920, 
and  pledges  itself  to  do  all  in  its  power  to  carry  out  this  res- 
olution and  have  the  same  enacted  into  law. 

COMPARISON  IN    STATE  EXPENDITURES 

A  STARTLING  EXHIBIT. 

In  the  matter  of  State  expenses  the  contrast  between  the 
Republican  administration  and  the  Democratic  administration 
is  very  glaring  indeed.  The  total  expenses  in  1898,  the  last 
year  of  the  Republican  administration,  was  $1,287,641.18, 
while  the  expenses  last  year  of  the  State  Government  were 
$2,563,018.80,  which  is  within  $12,000.00  of  just  twice  what 
it  cost  to  run  the  State  under  Republicans,  and  is  more  than 
was  spent  by  Gov.  Jarvis  in  the  entire  four  years  of  his 
administration. 


11 

It  is  clue  the  people  whose  taxes  are  becoming  burdensome 
that  the  Democratic  party  should  account  to  them  for  this 
vast  increase  which  is  greater  in  amount  over  and  above 
what  was  spent  by  the  Republicans  than  was  spent  by  Gov. 
Jarvis  any  two  years  of  his  administration.  These  were  the 
days  when  Vance  and  Jarvis  and  Marmacluke  Robbins  and 
men  of  that  type  were  in  control  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  had  to  depend  for  their  control  of  the  State  upon  the 
fact  that  they  were  true  to  the  people  for  majorities  were  too 
close  during  those  days  for  such  recklessness  as  these  figures 
show  to  have  been  allowed. 

What  has  become  of  this  enormous  amount  of  money  which 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  have  run  the  State  Govern- 
ment the  entire  four  years  of  1877,  1878,  1879  and  1880  ?  It 
has  been  wasted  and  squandered  in  a  thousand  ways,by 
increasing  the  force  and  expenditures  in  all  departments,  by 
the  multiplication  of  offices  and  office  holders,  by  increasing 
the  judicial  districts  and  judges,  by  the  employment  of  ad- 
ditional help  in  almost  every  branch  of  the  Government  and 
by  extravagance  and  waste  in  every  department. 

A  better  understanding  of  how  these  State  expenses  have 
been  increased  can  be  had  by  a  few  illustrations,  as  follows: 

The  Republicans  spent  in  running  the  Agricultural  Depart- 
ment in  1898,  $61,377.94,  last  year  the  Democrats  spent 
$96,523.06.  The  Auditors  Departmetn  cost  in  1898,  $3,500.00 
last  year  it  cost  $5,494.31.  The  care  of  the  Governor's  Man- 
sion and  grounds  in  1898  cost  $1,883.43,  last  year  it  cost 
$9,306.78.  The  Judiciary  which  cost  in  1898,  $63,061.88 
cost  last  year  $77,326.59.  Legal  services  that  cost  in  1898, 
$5,206.00  cost  last  year,  $7,061.80.  Laborers  pay-roll  around 
the  Capitol  which  cost  in  1898,  $5,723.84,  cost  last  year 
$7,615.39.  Public  printing  which  cost  in  1898,  when  the  De- 
mocrats said  we  were  extravagant  with  it,  $10,596.69,  cost  last 
year,  $30,916.78.  The  Treasury  Department  which  cost  un- 
der the  Republicans  $6,250.00,  cost  last  year  $7,700.37.  The 
State  Department  which  cost  under  the  Republicans  when  the 
entire  corporation  and  Insurance  business  was  transacted 
through  that  Department,  $3,980.54,  cost  last  year  $5,330.03, 
for  the  State  Department  alone  and  $3,600.00  additional  for 
the  Commissioner  of  Insurance  which  really  made  that  De- 
partment cost  $8,930.03,  as  against  $3,980.54,  under  the  Re- 
publicans. The  Department  of  Public  Instruction  which  cost 
under  the  Republicans  $3,000.00,   cost  last  year  $4,453.73. 


12 

The  total  for  these  purposes  under  the  Republicans  is  $164,- 
581.03.  Under  the  Democrats  it  is  $255,330.84,  making  a  dif- 
ference in  these  items  alone  in  favor  of  the  Republican  Ad- 
ministrations of  $90,749.89,  and  just  as  in  these  items  we 
see  where  more  than  $90,000.00  of  our  money  has  gone,  just 
so  it  is  in  every  other  branch  of  the  Government.  This  show- 
ing is  bad  enough,  but  it  is  even  worse  when  we  examine  and 
compare  the  expenditures  in  the  charitable  institutions  which 
will  appear  as  follows : 

For  the  care  of  the  deaf,  dumb  and  blind  at  Raleigh  we 
spent  in  1898,  $40,000.00  and  took  care  of  311  children.     In 

1902  the  Democrats  spent  $80,000.00  and  took  care  of  331,  and 
that  is  just  20  more  than  the  Republicans  took  care  of  in 
1898,  and  for  which  an  additional  $40,000.00  was  spent.     For 

1903  and  1904  they  spent  $143,727.21  on  an  average  of  $71,- 
863.60  each  year,  and  took  care  of  334  children  in  1904,  or 
3  more  than  in  1902. 

For  the  care  of  the  inmates  of  the  Insane  Asylum  at 
Raleigh,  the  Republicans  spent  in  1898,  $55,450.00  and  cared 
for  393  insane ;  the  Democrats  spent  in  1902,  $78,750.00  and 
cared  for  397,  or  just  four  more  than  the  Republicans  had; 
and  yet  they  spent  $22,300.00  more  than  the  Republicans. 
In  1904  they  spent  $82,563.70  and  took  care  of  380,  or  17 
less  than  in  1902,  and  yet  they  spent  $3,817.70  more  money. 

In  caring  for  the  Insane  at  Morganton,  the  Republicans 
spent  in  1898  $88,821.08  and  had  754  patients;  in  1902  the 
Democrats  spent  $109,491.61  and  cared  for  763  patients, 
or  just  nine  more  than  the  Republicans  had,  yet  they  spent 
$20,670.53  more  in  caring  for  these  nine  extra  patients.     In 

1904  they  cared  for  1002  and  spent  $131,947.67. 

In  caring  for  the  asylum  at  G-oldsboro,  the  Republicans 
spent  in  1898  $39,990.41  and  had  461  patients;  in  1902  the 
Democrats  spent  $52,742.32  and  had  481  patients,  that  is  just 
20  more  than  the  Republicans  had,  yet  to  care  for  these  they 
used  $13,751.91  more  of  the  peoples  money  than  the  Repub- 
licans had  used.  In  1904  they  cared  for  529  patients  and 
spent  $58,658.46,  or  nearly  $6,000.00  more  than  in  1902". 

In  runing  the  deaf  and  dumb  asylum  atMorganton  in 
1898  theRepublicans  spent  $35,000.00  and  had  252  children ; 
in  1902  the  Democrats  spent  $40,000.00  and  had  302  children. 
In  1903  and  1904  they  spent  $99,758.72  or  an  average  of 
$49,879.36  each  year  and  cared  for  317  children  in  1904. 

Thus  we  see  that  in  these  five  institutions,  with  but  few 


13 
more  patients  and  pupils,  the  increase  under  the  Democrats 
in  1902  over  the  amount  paid  by  the  Republicans  in  1898  is 
the  enormous  sum  of  $102,722.44,  with  a  still  further  increase 
for  1904. 

The  extravagance  and  recklessness  of  the  Democratic  party 
isagain  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  have  increased  the  State 's 
indebtedness  $820,000.00,  since  1898  thereby  increasing  the 
yearly,  interest  to  be  paid  by  the  tax  payers  $32,800.00. 

The  Democrats  in  1898  were  loud  in  their  abuse  of  the 
Republican  party  because  their  Legislature  of  1897  cost 
$70,760.75,  whereas  their  Legislature  last  year,  as  shown  by 
the  Auditor's  report,  cost  $72,013.90.  This  again  shows  that 
even  here  they  were  grossly  extravagant  if  they  were  just  in 
the  complaint  they  made  against  the  Republicans  in  1898. 
All  of  this  would  be  bad  enough  and  we  could  possibly  stand 
this  enormous  increase  in  our  State  expenses  if  we  had  the 
money  to  pay  them,  but  an  examination  of  the  Auditor's  re- 
port shows  that  while  our  expenses  last  year  were  $2,563, 
018.80  our  total  income  was  only  $2,509,896,30;  this  shows 
that  we  spent  last  year  $53,122.50  more  money  than  we  actual- 
ly received,  which  condition  can  only  be  met  and  remedied 
by  another  sale  of  bonds  in  the  near  future,  which  in  turn  will 
mean  an  additional  burden  upon  the  tax  payers  to  meet  the 
interest  on  these  bonds. 

The  enormous  increase  of  State  expenses  under  the  Demo- 
crats can  possibly  be  better  understood  by  the  following 
general  summary  and  comparison. 

The  Republicans  spent  in  1898  their  last  year,  $1,287,641.18. 
The  Democrats  spent  in  1899,  $1,597,066.08,  an  increase  in 
one  year  of  $310,000.00  in  round  numbers.  The  Democrats 
spent  in  1900,  $1,648,012.74,  another  increase  of  over  $37,000. 
In  1902  they  spent  $1,866,795.18  which  is  another  increase  of 
over  $181,000.00.  In  1903  they  spent  $2,322,404.24,  which 
is  a  still  further  increase  of  more  than  $450,000.00,  while 
last  year  they  spent  $2,563,018.80,  which  is  a  still  further  in- 
crease of  more  than  $240,000.00,  and  is  practically  twice  what 
the  Republicans  spent  the  last  year  of  their  Adminstration. 
Again  we  ask  what  have  they  done  with  it,  and  the  answer  is, 
what?  The  unfortunate  have  gotten  it  as  is  shown  by  the 
figures  given,  which,  while  showing  much  larger  amounts 
spent,  show  but  few  more  of  unfortunates  being  cared  for. 
This  tells  it  own  story,  that  these  greatly  increased  appro- 
priations  must   have   been   used   i   ncaring   for   Democratic 


14 

Supernumeraries  and  in  reckless  expenditures  under  the 
hyproeritical  cry  of  earing'  for  the  unfortunate.  But  had  all 
this  been  true  it  would  still  have  accounted  for  only  a  small 
part  of  this  vast  increase  in  the  State  expenditures  by  the 
Democratic  party.  The  people  demand  an  answer  to  what 
have  you  done  with  our  money.  This  answer  they  shall  have 
when  the  Republicans  have  a  chance  to  look  at  the  books  and 
publish  the  truth. 

LAWLESSNESS  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

A  CARNIVAL  OF  CRIME. 

It  is  with  regret  that  this  subject  is  mentioned.  The  old 
saying  that  only  a  foul  bird  soils  his  own  nest  suggest  itself, 
and  instead  of  exploiting  the  shame  of  the  State,  we  would 
Japhet  like  rather  cover  her  nakedness  with  the  mantel  of 
oblivion.  But  the  Democratic  platform  recently  adopted  at 
Greensboro  boasts  of  existing  conditions  as  related  to  this 
subject,  and  leaves  no  alternative  other  than  a  plain  statement 
of  the  truth.  It  says  "we  congratulate  the  people  of  the 
State  that  under  Democratic  auspices  there  has  been  estab- 
lished throughout  the  border  of  the  State  a  reign  of  law  and 
liberty,  peace  and  progress." 

This  was  not  meant  for  the  satire  but  in  view  of  facts 
known  to  every  one  is  it  not  satire  in  all  its  purity?  The 
press  of  the  State  is  weekly  burdened  with  a  list  of  homicides 
occuring  among  both  the  whites  and  colored  races,  and  more 
rarely  in  the  case  of  race  against  race.  Lynching  has  reared 
its  awful  front  to  such  an  extent  that  the  boldest  among  us 
stand  aghast  as  to  the  possibilities  of  the  future.  The  Anson 
County  case  was  quickly  followed  by  the  Salisbury  horror  and 
what  the  next  defiance  of  civilization  will  be  is  a  thing  to 
be  guessed  as  to  locality,  but  which  may  be  safely  prophesied. 
Good  men  are  asking  when  is  this  condition  to  end?  For 
what  reason  do  we  maintain  a  State  Guard?  Are  the  six- 
teen judges  of  the  Superior  Court  and  their  adjunts,  the  six- 
teen solicitors  powerless  to  accomplish  what  half  their  num- 
ber twenty  years  ago  successfully  did?  The  Democratic 
boast  in  their  platform  is  belied  by  every  newspaper  of  that 
faith  in  the  State.  As  examples,  we  quote  from  the  Sand- 
ford  express  ' '  There  seems  to  be  an  epidemic  of  homicides  and 
crime  in  this  State.  One  can  hardly  pick  up  a  State  paper 
without  finding  the  accounts  of  a  number  of  murders  and 
attempts  to  murder.     The  criminally  inclined  are  handy  with 


15 

the  pistol  and  the  knife  and  use  them  on  the  slightest  provo- 
cation. They  have  contempt  for  the  law  and  carry  these 
weapons  and  use  them  with  impunity."  These  remarks  are 
copied  editorially  by  the  Rockingham  Anglo  Saxon,  and  of 
course  approved. 

The  Charlotte  Observer,  the  leading  Independent  paper, 
admits  that ' '  Lynch  law  is  on  the  increase  in  North  Carolina. ' ' 
How  does  this  statement  consist  with  the  platform  boast  of 
the  Democrats? 

Again  it  says  "There  is  no  negro  vote,  no  negro  legislature 
now;  but  there  is  a  growing  disrespect,  not  to  say  contempt 
on  the  part  of  the  white  people  for  the  laws,  which  they  them- 
selves make.  There  must  be  an  end  to  this  or  worse  days 
will  come." 

And  yet  the  aforesaid  platform  congratulates  the  people 
upon  the  reign  of  law.  There  was  one  judge  on  the  Superior 
Court  bench  (Shaw  by  name),  who  practiced  what  this  plat- 
form preaches  and  acquired  great  repute  thereby  among  all 
law-loving  people,  whatsoever  might  be  their  political  affilia- 
tions. He  came  up  for  renomination  this  year,  and  was 
ignobly  defeated,  and  on  this  account  too.  How  does  that 
action  square  with  the  above  recited  platform  declaration? 

The  Bishop  case  at  Charlotte  is  fresh  in  the  minds  of  all 
householders,  who  have  young  daughters.  The  Wilson 
County  tragedy  occurs  to  every  commercial  traveller,  who 
deems  his  hotel  a  safe  resting  place.  The  Anson  lynching  of 
an  insane  man  has  put  that  defence,  still  good  in  the  courts, 
of  no  avail  against  the  mob.  The  negroes,  who  are  nothing 
if  not  imitative,  rarely  slew  each  other  in  slave  days  or  in 
the  years  just  following  the  war,  but  are  now  rivals  with  the 
whites  in  homicides.  The  Haywood  case  is  simply  unmention- 
able. 

There  can  be  no  politics  in  a  question  of  this  sort.  The 
plain  duty  of  all  good  citizens  is  to  stand  together  in  defence 
of  the  law  and  its  authorized  agents  of  whatever  political 
faithsuch  agents  may  be.  But  it  cannot  escape  notice  that 
the  Democratic  party  put  a  premium  upon  one  sort  of  crime, 
when  a  Legislature  of  that  party's  choosing  voted  State 
money  in  defence  of  ballot  box  thieves.  Nor  did  the  Red 
Shirt  campaign  of  1900  pass  without  its  aftermath  of  easy 
defiance  of  constituted  authority  and  the  successful  triumph 
of  lawlessness  as  applied  to  things  political.  How  easy  the 
step  to  crimes  social  and  racial! 


16 

We  all  agree  that  there  must  be  a  change  or  our  State  will 
sink  in  the  world's  esteem,  and  what  is  even  worse,  in  its  own 
esteem. 

Men  of  property  and  correct  lives  will  not  take  themselves 
and  their  families  to  States  where  human  life  is  not  held  more 
sacred  than  it  now  is  in  North  Carolina  and  we  are  never 
weary  of  extending  invitations  to  such  settlers.  Our  own 
people  will  more  than  ever  flock  to  the  towns  of  the  State 
for  that  safety,  which  is  denied  them  in  the  sparsely  settled 
rural  ditricts.  The  growth  of  highway  robbery  in  recent 
years  is  one  of  the  most  alarming  circumstances  of  the  pres- 
ent situation.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  fasten  the  blame 
for  our  growing  criminal  record  upon  what  is  known  as  the 
factoyr  population,  the  small  tenant  farmers  who  have  left 
the  country  for  the  towns. 

The  contention  is  absurd  upon  its  face.  Steady  workers 
are  rarely  criminals.  The  advance  in  material  comfort  which 
has  come  to  the  class  in  question  by  reason  of  their  new  life 
is  the  best  of  all  incentives  to  correct  conduct  and  respect  for 
law. 

Men  mounting  in  the  world,  acquiring  humble  homes  see- 
ing their  children  better  dressed  and  better  fed  than  former- 
ly, rarely  descend  the  ladder  to  mingle  with  the  criminal 
classes.     At  least  such  is  not  the  rule. 

The  truth  lies  elsewhere.  What  is  it?  Let  us  see.  For  a 
generation  the  fiercest  racial  passions  of  our  people  have  been 
excited  against  the  negro  by  a  well  trained  corps  of  Demo- 
cratic speakers  and  editors. 

In  numbers  we  doubled  him,  and  while  we  were  spread  over 
the  whole  surface  of  the  State,  he  was  numedically  strong  in 
but  a  comparatively  small  area.  In  all  the  accomplishments 
and  defences  which  civilization  gives  over  semi-barbarism 
there  was  left  no  room  for  comparison.  His  was  the  most 
docile  of  races  as  proven  in  two  hundred  years  of  subjection 
to  us.  The  irritation  caused  by  his  enforced  and  unnatural 
political  elevation  was  not  his  own  fault,  nor  the  fault  of  any 
man  among  us.  The  cause  came  from  beyond  the  Potomac 
from  victors  in  war,  who  thought  thus  to  secure  the  fruits 
of  their  success.  That  this  was  a  great  mistake  in  states- 
manship is  now  generally  conceded;  but  it  was  not  met  by  a 
counter-stroke  of  statesmanship,  but  by  relentless  denuncia- 
tion of  all  men  who  submitted  to  it  as  the  law  of  the  land,  till 
bv  law  it  could  be  changed.     Then  first  was  drawn  the  line 


17 
cleavage  between  the  law-abiding  and  the  lawless,  so  far  as 
concerned  the  leaders,  and  the  masses  qucikly  caught  the 
lesson  of  despising  the  courts  taught  them  by  Democratic 
speakers.  When  in  course  of  time  the  courts  were  held  by 
Democrats,  the  lesson  could  not  at  once  be  unlearned.  So 
sure  as  the  sowing  of  the  wind  brings  the  harvest  of  the 
whirlwind,  in  like  manner  will  the  lynching  of  negroes  lead 
to  the  lynching  of  white  men  and  for  causes  incerasing  in 
numbers  and  lessening  in  digity.  It  is  not  argued  that  be- 
cause the  cock  crows,  daylight  comes;  but  we  do  say  that  the 
type  of  Democracy  known  as  the  Biwan-Hearst  type  favors 
Socialism  ■fend  inculcates  lessons  destructive  of  property 
rights,  the  protection  of  which  is  one  of  the  chief  functions  of 
all  law.  At  present,  the  assault  is  confined  to  corporation 
property,  but  all  property  stands  on  the  same  footing  in  the 
eye  of  the  law  and  the  downward  path  ever  easy  leads  irrisis- 
tibly  to  Communion,  which  would  have  but  one  property 
owner,  the  all  embracing  State. 

So  that  when  racial  antagonism  has  weakened  respect 
for  life  and  indiscriminate  attacks  in  the  press  and  on  the 
hustings  against  corporations  has  weakened  respect  for  pro- 
perty, what  else  can  we  expect  than  what  we  now  witness  a 
condition  alarming  to  every  patriot  and  which  calls  for  a 
proclamation  from  the  Governor  asking  the  law-abiding  peo- 
ple to  come  to  the  rescue.  The  Republican  party  is  the 
resolute  foe  of  mob  law,  and  in  all  its  history  has  been  the 
defender  of  property  against  the  anarchist  and  the  Socialist. 
If  this  government  of  ours  is  to  be  handed  down  unimpaired 
in  strength  and  faith  to  the  purpose  of  its  founders,  it  will 
come  through  a  continued  administration  of  men  reared  in  the 
faith  of  Washington,  Hamilton  and  Lincoln.  The  doctrines; 
of  Hearst,  Bryan,  Altgeld  and  Tom  Taggart  are  at  war  with 
all  civic  righteousness,  and  once  enforced  will  bread  a  follow- 
ing far  more  dangerous  than  the  authors  now  are.  Far  be 
it  from  us  to  argue  that  the  great  mass  of  the  Democratic 
people  look  with  favor  or  even  with  tolerance  upon  present 
conditions.  Many  of  the  best  Democratic  newspapers  have 
denounced  roundly  the  abuse  of  the  pardoning  power  by 
former  Democratic  Governors,  much  just  criticism  has  been 
evoked  by  reason  of  the  conduct  of  some  of  their  judges  and 
one  excellent  paper,  the  Raleigh  Times,  published  in  the 
great  metropolitan  County  of  Wake,  and  recently  endorsed 
overwhelmingly  by  the  Democratic  voter*   of  that   county, 


18 
speaks  of  this  paragraph  by  the  Democratic  voters  of  that 
county,  speaks  of  this  paragraph  in  its  party  platform  as 
"idiotic."  Continuing  in  its  issue  of  August  11th,  it  says: 
"The  paragraph  was  not  complete.  Some  reference  might 
have  been  made  to  the  lynching  of  a  white  man  in  AA7adesboro. 
The  question  of  whether  he  was  a  democrat  or  a  republican 
was  of  small  moment.  He  was  white.  White  men  butchered 
him  and  whitecourts  and  white  jurors  practically  excused 
and  condoned  the  crime. 

Under  'democratic  auspices'  the  Lyerly  family  was  killed 
in  cold  blood  at  Barber  Junction;  under  'democratic  auspices' 
the  three  alleged  murderers  were  lynched  at  Salisbury.  Un- 
der 'democratic  auspices'  the  militia  was  called  out  with  or- 
ders not  to  shoot — for  fear  that  some  good  white  citizen  might 
be  injured.  A  few  hot  bullets  scattered  through  that  mob  of 
hoodlume  might  have  saved  the  state  the  terible  disbrace  of 
that  shocking  event — a  few  bullets  might  have  shown  that 
under  'democratic  auspices'  'God  Almighty  reigns  and  the 
law  is  still  supreme.' 

This  newspaper  does  not  wish  to  be  misunderstood.  It 
stands  on  the  democratic  platform — now  and  always — but  it 
takes  no  stock  in  this  demagoguery  set  forth  in  the  platform  of 
the  party.  If  our  leaders  claim  to  be  responsible  for  law 
and  order,  so  must  they  shoulder  the  responsibility  of  the 
happenings  at  Waclesboro  and  Salisbury.  Surely,  our  party 
is  in  a  deplorable  condition  if  we  seek  to  triumph  always  on 
this  talk  of  a  'reign  of  law  and  liberty.'  We  can  redeem 
ourselves,  however,  by  hanging  the  lynchers." 

No,  men  and  brethern,  it  is  no  party  question  that  con- 
fronts the  people  of  North  Carolina  in  1906.  It  is  something 
far  higher.  It  is  whether  we  shall  submit  to  constituted 
authority,  uphold  the  courts,  enforce  the  laws  and  render 
life  and  property  as  safe  here  as  they  are  in  any  part  of  the 
civilized  world,  or  whether  the  passions  of  the  mob,  inflamed 
by  race  appeals  and  excited  to  envy  against  the  rich  and  the 
well  to  do  shall  be  allowed  to  run  their  course,  which  ends 
only  in  a  general  anarschy  and  the  loss  of  our  places  among 
the  well  behaved  States. 

On  that  question,  the  Republican  party  takes  its  old  and 
well  known  stand  and  confidently  relies  upon  the  people  being 
with  it.  The  Democratic  position,  as  stated  in  their  platform, 
is  a  mockery  of  the  facts  and  deceives  no  one  unless  he  wishes 
to  be  deceived.        . 


19 
AS  TO  WHAT  YOU  SHALL  DRINK. 

The  Democratic  Party  and  its  Claims  as  a  Temperance  Party 

The  Liquor  Traffic,  as  conducted  on  the  open  saloon  plan, 
was  from  twenty-five  years-from  1870  to  1895— an  important 
ally  (or  if  the  word  ally  is  too  strong  a  term  lets  say  adjunct) 
of  the  Democratic  Party:  And  by  "Democratic  Party"  is 
meant  the  "machine",  the  chief  committee  which  controls 
campaigns  and  distributes  the  spoils  of  victory  and  the  offices 
amongst  the  most  influential,  for,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
there  were  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party  a  large 
number  of  voters  who  were  sincere  temperance  men  throughout 
all  those  years.  In  truth,  however,  it  must  be  said  that  they 
had  neither  weight  or  influence  in  their  party  counsels. 

The  coalition  between  the  Democratic  party  managers  and 
the  saloon  interests  during  the  violent  and  fraudulent  politi- 
cal campaigns  of  1898  and  1900  was  more  helpful  to  that 
party  than  it  had  been  in  former  years.  In  fact  it  is  doubt- 
ful whether  the  armed  red-shirt  clubs,  organized  by  a  man 
who  afterwards  received  a  high  office  for  that  service,  could 
have  successfully  carried  out  the  work  allotted  to  them  in 
Eastern  North  Carolina  without  the  saloons  as  relay  and 
recruiting  stations. 

For  legislative  favors  demanded  and  received  by  the  owners 
of  liquor  saloons  they,  as  a  rule,  like  all  other  special  interests, 
were  ready  to  render  a  clue  return  in  an  organized  vote  of 
those  whom  they  controlled.  Every  body  in  the  least  familiar 
with  public  affairs  knows  that  for  all  those  past  years,  in  the 
township  and  county  conventions  of  the  Democrats  the  saloon 
owners  and  their  friends  were  not  infrequently  conspicuous 
participants  in  the  proceedings;  and  that  true  temperance 
men,  when  candidates  for  office,  were  often  defeated  by  the 
activities  of  the  liquor  force. 

It  is  a  fact  that  after  the  State  election  of  1900,  a  certain 
element  of  the  temperance  strength  of  the  Democratic  party 
began  to  get  noisy — to  agitate — and  to  indulge  in  ugly  threats 
that  very  much  frightened  the  "leaders"  of  the  machine,  and 
during  the  Legislative  session  of  1903,  that  influence,  through 
temperance  clubs  and  committees,  and  individuals,  sent  from 
the  different  sections  of  the  State  to  Raleigh  to  appear  before 
the  Legislative  Committee,  made  itself  so  seriously  felt  as 
to  force  the  machine  "to  do  something".  The  result  of  that 
agitation  is  commonly  known  as  the  Watis  Laiv.  The  christen- 


20 
ing  of  the  Act  was  a  mis-nomer;  but  sometimes  it  happens 
that  the  real  honors  are  carried  oft'  by  the  undeserved  on 
account  of  the  modesty  of  the  real  hero;  and  such  was  the 
case  in  this  instance.  Anyway,  since  that  time  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  claimed  to  be  the  only  true  temperance 
Party.     Is  it  a  valid  claim?     Let  us  examine  it. 

Before  the  Watts  Law  was  passed  (1903)  the  general  law 
of  the  State  put  no  restriction  upon  the  place  of  manufacture 
of  liquor;  and  the  Commissioners  of  the  several  counties  Were 
authorized  to  grant  retail  liquor  licenses;  and  they  were  re- 
quired, upon  the  petition  of  one  fourth  of  the  qualified  voters 
to  order  an  election  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  liquor  might 
be  sold  in  any  township,  city  or  town — the  form  of  the  ballot 
to  be  "Prohibition,"  "License."  The  general  law  was  strict- 
ly local  option.  It  gave  to  the  people  of  any  city,  town  or 
township  the  right  to  vote  upon  the  question  of  the  sale  of 
liquor.  The  Watts  Law  introduced  changes  both  as  to  the 
manufacture  of  liquor,  and  its  sale  by  retail.  It  created 
Prohibition  in  the  rural  districts — in  the  townships — for,  it 
made  it  unlawful  to  sell  liquor  anywhere  in  the  State  except 
in  the  incorporated  cities  and  towns.  In  taking  that  step 
the  Legislators  deprived  the  country  people  of  a  right  which 
they  had  enjoyed  under  the  general  law.  But  they  saw,  in 
that  course,  that  there  was  not  as  much  real  danger  to  their 
party  as  there  appeared  to  be  in  making  that  discrimination 
against  the  country  people  the  townships.  In  the  first  place, 
because  the  Act  did  not  specify  a  minimum  population  as 
necessary  to  the  incorporation  of  towns,  and  hence  any  cross- 
roads could  become  incorporated  and  avail  itself  of  the  rights 
of  the  cities  and  towns  under  the  Watts  Law;  and  in  the 
second  place,  because  a  considerable  portion  of  the  State  was 
at  the  time  under  Prohibition  brought  about  by  special 
legislation  and  the  general  local  option  law.  The  Legislators, 
in  a  quandary  between  the  threats  and  demands  of  the  temper- 
ance agitators  and  the  danger  of  discrimination  against  the 
townships,  decided  to  yield  somewhat  to  the  temperance 
forces  and  to  deprive  the  townships  of  their  right  to  settle  by 
election  whether  or  not  liquor  should  be  sold  in  the  several 
townships.  The  loss  of  the  temperance  vote  meant  more  to 
the  party  than  the  probably  defection  of  the  rural  districts, 
under  the  circumstances  already  mentioned. 

Of  the  Manufacture  of  Liquors  under  the  Watts  Law. 

It  cannot  reasonably  be  thought  that  the  purpose  and  in- 


21 

tent  of  the  Watts  Law  was  to  restrict  toany  appeciable  de- 
gree the  manufacture  of  spirits  within  the  State.  It  is  true  it 
destroyed  numbers  of  distilleries  outside  incorporated 
cities  and  towns  and  provided  for  their  future  operation 
within  the  towns  and  cities;  but  with  the  increased  facilities 
in  the  towns  and  cities  for  the  manufacture  of  liquor  and  the 
wider  markets  likely  to  be  opened  up  by  the  change,  the  out- 
put might  have  reasonably  been  expected  to  be  increased. 
Besides,  as  we  have  seen,  any  handfull  of  people  might  be- 
come incorporated  into  a  town  by  a  Democratic  legislature, 
there  being  no  minimum  population  prescribed  by  the  Watts 
Law  as  necessary  to  incorporation.  As  for  instance,at  the 
very  time  that  the  Watts  bill  was  in  process  of  passage  there 
was  a  bill  pending  to  incorporate  a  territory  around  a  private 
distillery,  the  population  not  numbering  more  than  a  bakers 
dozen,  under  the  name  of  the  town  of  "Shore".  Shore  was 
incorporated,  and  the  distillery  not  only  continued  its  oper- 
ations but  its  owner  was  given  a  monopoly  of  the  manufacture 
of  liqour  within  the  town,  it  being  provided  in  the  act  of 
incorporation  that  no  other  distillery  besides  the  one  man's 
for  whom  the  legislation  was  enacted  should  be  erected  within 
the  limits  of  Shore.  No  such  special  privilege  was  ever  before 
that  time  conferred  by  the  General  Assembly  of  North  Caro- 
lina upon  any  citizen. 

So  the  real  intent  of  the  Watts  Law  must  have  been  for 
another  purpose  than  to  destroy,  or  even  to  reduce,  the  quant- 
ity of  liqour  manufactured.  What  then  was,  most  probably, 
the  real  motive  underlying  the  enactment  of  the  Watts  Law? 
Some  contemporary  political  historyof  the  State  will  probably 
furnish  the  answer.  Democratic  newspapers  and  Democratic 
stump  speakers  had  been,  ceaselessly,  and  then  were,  charac- 
terizng  the  distilleries,  in  the  western  (Republican)  counties 
especially,  as  hell-kettles",  and  denouncing  their  owners  as 
Republican  scoundrels  and  law-breakers;  and  the  declaration 
was  repeatedly  made,  year  in  and  year  out,  that  if  these  dis- 
tilleries "hell  kettles" — could  be  broken  up  the  Republican 
vote  in  the  State  would  be  greatly  reduced.  The  Watts  Law 
broke  up  many  of  the  country  distilleries !  It  did  not  reduce 
the  quantity  of  liquor  manufactured.  If  the  distilleries  were 
"sore  spots"  and  corrupters  of  public  and  private  morals 
their  powers  for  evil  were  but  increased  when  transferred  to 
the  cities  and  towns. 

Precisely  the  views  expressed  above  of  the  Watts  Law  were 


22 
the  views  subsequently  taken  by  the  temeparnce  men  in  the 
Democratc  party  at  their  homes  and  out  of  the  influence  and 
presence  of  the  leaders  of  the  party  whom  they  met  at 
Raleigh  when  the  Act  was  agreed  on,  for,  at  the  next  session 
of  the  General  Assembly  (1905)  the  Ward  bill  was  intro- 
duced and  passed  as  an  amendment  to  the  Watts  Law.  The 
Ward  Law  contained  a  requirement  that  each  city  and  town 
where  liquor  might  be  sold  should  maintain  a  city  or  town 
government,  and  a  police  force  of  at  least  two  policemen  to 
inspect  and  report  upon  the  sales  and  manufacture  of  liquor. 
The  Ward  Law,  also  prohibited  the  manufacture  of  liquor  in 
North  Carolina  except  in  incorporated  cities  or  towns  having 
not  less  than  one  thousand  population. 

If  there  was  now,  or  had  been  in  the  past  the  least  attempt 
to  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  Watts  Law  as  amended  by 
the  Ward  Law  on  the  part  of  the  Democratic  officers,  then  it 
might  be  said  that  the  Democratic  party  had  taken 
a  step  towards  temperance.  But  it  is  well  understood  all 
over  the  State  that  the  law  was  not  to  be  enforced,  and  with 
one  or  two  lone  exceptions  no  Democratic  official,  sheriff, 
policeman,  justice  of  the  peace,  constable  or  grand  jury  has 
undertaken  to  indict  anyone  for  the  unlawful  manufacture 
of  liqour  in  the  State  or  to  show  the  least  activity  in  bringing 
before  the  courts  offenders  against  other  denouncements  of 
the  Watts-Ward  laws.  The  law  is  known  to  be  a  dead 
letter :  and  Mr.  Ward  the  Author  of  the  act  which  bears  his 
name  and  who  was  an  earnest  and  sincere  advocate  of  the 
Bill  was  defeated  recently  in  his  county  primary  as  a  candid- 
ate for  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly! 

PRODUCER  AND  CONSUMER. 

(From  Speech  House  of  Representatives  May  31,  1906,  by 
Hon.  James  S.  Sherman  of  N.  Y.) 

The  leaders  of  all  political  parties  are  honest,  patriotic 
and  high  minded.  The  Democratic  party,  the  Prohibition 
party,  the  Socialist  party  are  each  dominated  by  honorable 
men.  A  few  scamps  in  a  party,  and  they  exist  in  smaller 
numbers  in  all  parties  than  ever  before  in  our  country's 
history,  do  not  justify  universal  condemnation,  any  more 
than  a  few  scamps  in  a  church,  and  they,  too,  exist  in  smaller 
number,  thank  God,  than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the 
church,   justify   its   universal   condemnation.     But   a   party 


23 

that  believes  nothing,  has  no  doctrine,  is  not  built  around  a 
principle,  is  as  worthless  as  a  church  without  a  belief. 

DIED  OF  INCOHERENCY. 

I  knew  one  such  so-called  church  in  my  State.  It  was 
organized  by  a  very  reputable  gentleman  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession, and  its  absence  of  belief  was  its  boast.  Its  doors 
swung  welcome  to  those  who  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Christ 
and  equally  wide  to  those  who  denied  the  miraculous  con- 
ception. It  invited  those  who  believed  in  the  atonement  and 
those  who  denied  the  necessity  of  a  Redeemer.  Like  certain 
of  the  opposition  parties,  it  sprang  up  in  protest  to  some  ad- 
mitted evils  and  weakness  of  the  churches.  It  was  successful 
for  a  time  in  attracting  numbers,  and  it  built  a  fine  edifice, 
but  it  died  of  incoherency,  for  it  believed  nothing,  taught 
nothng,  had  no  plans,  no  policies,  no  purposes.  The  elo- 
quence of  its  founder,  his  sweet  spirit,  the  influence  of  his 
blameless  life  did  not  make  a  church.  A  church  presupposes 
a  belief,  and  a  political  party  ought  to  presuppose  some  poli- 
tical principles.  It  requires  affirmative  plans,  affirmative 
policies,  affirmative  aims  to  carry  the  nation  forward  to  higher 
ideals  and  to  grander  consumations. 

POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES  INDISPENSABLE. 

Do  not  misunderstand  me.  I  am  not  advocating  adherence 
to  party  because  of  party  name,  regardless  of  the  political 
principles  which  it  professes,  but  loyalty  to  political  prin- 
ciples because  they  are  believed  to  be  correct.  The  indepen- 
dent voter,  the  man  who  sees  nothing  in  political  parties  but 
the  personality  of  their  candidates,  may  be  a  good  man  and 
a  patriotic  citizen,  but  we  are  in  a  sad  plight  when  those 
who  believe  in  nothing  in  particular  and  everything  in  gen- 
eral, and  who  vote  according  to  the  instinct  of  the  hour  in- 
stead of  according  to  the  principles  of  a  lifetime,  control  our 
elections.  I  have  no  fear  for  my  country  so  long  as  the 
American  people  think  out  their  plans,  formulate  their  pol- 
icies and  consistently  adhere  to  them.  My  fear  is  of  an 
incoherent,  independent,  undisciplined  aggregation  of  well- 
intentioned  men  following  a  purposeless  though  ambitious 
leader,  who  promises  much  impossible  of  fulfilment,  and  whose 
chief  argument  is  an  indefinite  protest  against  evils  which 
have  existed  from  the  infancy  of  the  race  and  which  will  con- 
tinue while  men  remain  mortal  and  so  long  as  human  nature 
continues  to  control  the  human  family. 


24 

PROTECTION  AN  AFFIRMATIVE  PRINCIPLE. 

Permit  me  to  refer  briefly  to  one  of  the  affirmative  prin- 
ciples of  the  Republican  party ;  a  principle  that  was  as  cor- 
rect and  as  capable  of  definite  statement  in  the  days  of 
Thomas  Jefferson  as  in  the  days  of  Theodore  Roosevelt;  a 
principle  that  has  never  been  put  in  operation  in  this  country 
without  bringing  prosperity  to  all  our  people,  and  that  has 
never  been  abandoned  without  universal  ruin.  On  the  his- 
toric correctness  of  these  propositions  the  Republican  party 
stands  or  falls. 

The  Republican  party  believes  in  Protection  to  American 
labor.  Originally  it  was  thought  that  our  industries  needed 
Protection  until  they  should  become  established,  and  that 
thereafter  they  could  successfully  face  world-wide  compe- 
tition. It  was  not  then  anticipated  that  adherence  to  the 
policy  of  Protection  would  create  a  standard  of  wages  fully 
50  per  cent,  higher  than  that  of  any  other  country,  and  more 
than  100  per  cent,  higher  than  the  average  standard  of  the 
world.  Had  conditions  continued  as  early  Protectionists  sup- 
posed they  would,  and  had  all  the  world  opened  its  markets 
to  all  the  people  on  equal  terms,  the  expressed  thought  of  the 
fathers  would  have  been  verified  in  our  experience.  Protec- 
tion, however,  has  been  beneficial  in  unexpected  ways.  It 
has  created  a  scale  of  wages  and  established  a  standard  of 
living  to  which  the  outside  world  is  a  stranger,  and  renders 
necessary  the  continuance  of  Protection  or  the  abandonment 
of  these  high  standards. 

EVERY  INDUSTRIOUS  CITIZEN  A  PRODUCER. 

Let  me  state  the  principle  more  clearly.  Every  industri- 
ous citizen  is  a  producer.  He  may  produce  a  day's  work 
which  he  sells  in  the  labor  market.  He  may  be  a  consumer 
of  labor  and  a  producer  of  farm  or  of  factory  products.  He 
may  produce  exchanges  of  merchandise  or  exchanges  of  cred- 
it, or  he  may  produce  transportation.  Any  one  who  by  his 
efforts  adds  to  the  sum  total  of  our  production,  or  in  any  way 
increases  the  aggregate  of  our  commerce,  is  a  producer.  Then 
we  are  all,  whether  industrious  or  not,  consumers.  We  con- 
sume food  and  clothes  and  cover.  Therefore  we  have  dual 
interests.  We  would  like  to  buy  that  which  we  consume  as 
cheap  as  possible.  The  man  who  produces  a  day's  work  is 
interested  in  high-priced  labor,  while  he  who  buys  labor  and 
produces  farm  or  factory  products  seeks  to  buy  this  labor  as 
cheap  as  possible  and  to  sell  his  products  as  high  as  possible. 


25 
GROSS    MISMANAGEMENT    OF    THE    AT- 
LANTIC AND  N.  C.    RAILROAD. 

Extract  from  letter  of  Hon.  C.  S.  Wooten  in  Caucasian  of  date  May  25,  1905. 

In  1899,  James  A.  Bryan  was  made  president,  and  contin- 
ued President  for  five  years.  He  reversed  the  policy  of 
Chadwick  and  said  the  earnings  should  be  put  upon  the  road. 
He  was  right  in  this,  but  the  trouble  was  he  did  not  make 
judicious  use  of  the  money  in  his  improvements. 

Without  going  into  details,  I  will  mention  only  a  few  of 
the  improvements  he  made  that  were  improper.  He  built 
a  warehouse  in  Goldsboro  for  $12,000.00  that  was  not  neces- 
sary, for  I  heard  a  GToldsboro  man  say  so ;  he  built  a  large 
warehouse  at  Beston,  a  small  station  between  Goldsboro  and 
Lagrange,  that  cost  $2500.00,  when  a  $500.00  house  would 
have  answered;  he  spent  about  $30,000.00  at  Newbern  on  a 
warehouse  that  was  not  needed  at  present.  At  other  small 
stations  he  built  magnificent  warehouses,  when  cheaper  ones 
would  have  done.  Then  he  bought  the  hotel  at  Morehead  and 
spent  fabulous  sums  on  it  in  improvements.^  Everybody 
knows  about  the  free  board  and  drinking  at  that  hotel.  A 
committee  was  appointed  by  Governor  Aycock  to  investigate 
the  affairs  of  the  road.  One  gentleman,  who  was  a  witness, 
admitted  that  he  had  free  board  for  himself  and  his  family, 
but  said  his  services  at  the  hotel  were  worth  it.  He  was  asked 
what  service  he  rendered,  and  he  said  he  was  general  enter- 
tains.Free  passes  were  granted  indiscriminately. 

At  the  stockholders  meeting  Mr.  Bryan  in  his  report  in 
1903  said  the  road  was  in  a  deplorable  condition  and  would 
have  to  borrow  money  to  put  it  in  a  proper  condition  for  busi- 
ness. After  reading  his  report  there  went  up  throughout 
the  State  a  demand  for  a  lease.  At  a  special  meeting  on  the 
first  Thursday  in  September,  1904,  a  lease  was  made  to  the 
Howland  Improvement  Company  of  Rhode  Island. 

cATLANTIC  zANB  N.  C.  RAILROAD. 

The  lease  of  the  Atlantic  and  North  Carolina  Raidroad  is 
still  a  topic  for  public  discussion.  The  Charlotte  Observer, 
quoting  from  the  Wilmington  Messenger,  says: 

"Some  remarkable  facts"  were  brought  out  in  the  hearing 
at  Newbern  last  Saturday  before  Judge  Long  of  the  suit 
brought  by  a  man  named  Hill  to  annul  the  lease  of  the  At- 


26 
lantic  and  North  Carolina  Railroad  to  the  Howland  Improve- 
ment Company,  which  now  has  charge  of  the  property.  It 
is  further  stated  that  Mr.  Hill  himself  took  little  interest  in 
the  matter  of  the  lease  at  the  time  it  was  being  agitated  and 
did  not  attend  the  special  meeting  of  stockholders  called  to 
consider  it.  Mr.  Hill  at  that  time,  it  is  stated,  owned  one 
share  of  stock  for  which  he  paid  $9,  and  so  well  pleased  was 
he  with  the  lease  of  the  road  that  he  subsequently  purchased 
another  share  and  is  now  possessor  of  two  shares.  He  has 
declared  that  his  costs  in  the  case  are  secured  by  the  $2,500 
appropriated  by  the  county  of  Craven  to  fight  the  leases. 
The  Messenger  says : 

"Craven  county's  representative  was  at  the  meeting  which 
made  the  lease  and  voted  for  it,  but  that  county  is  now  a 
plaintiff  in  the  suit  to  have  the  lease  set  aside  and  its  offi- 
cials have  decided  to  spend  $2,500  of  the  people's  money,  if 
necessary,  in  an  effort  to  set  aside  a  contract  that  they  helped 
to  make.  The  market  value  of  the  stock  of  the  road  has 
risen  from  $25  just  before  the  lease  to  between  $60  and  $70. 
Thousands  of  shares  have  changed  hands  at  the  latter  figures. 

"One  reason  the  plaintiffs  give  why  the  lease  should  be  de- 
clared void  it  that  the  special  meeting  ofstockholders  which 
made  the  contract  was  advertised  in  only  one  newspaper  in 
Newbern,  while  the  charter  declares  that  notice  of  such  meet- 
ings shall  be  published  in  two  papers  in  that  city.  The  de- 
fendant's answer  to  this  is  that  at  that  time  there  was  but 
one  paper  published  there,  and  that  notice  of  the  intended 
meeting  and  of  its  purpose  appeared  in  papers  all  over  the 
State  and  that  personal  notice  was  sent  to  every  stockholder. ' ' 

The  plaintiffs  contend  also  that  there  is  no  power  in  the 
charter  whereby  directors  or  the  stockholders  can  make  a 
lease.  This  is  challenged  by  the  defendants,  who  aver  that 
plain  and  excellent  authority  is  contained  in  the  charter;  that 
the  words  in  this  clause  in  the  charter  are  almost  indentical 
with  those  in  the  charter  of  the  North  Carolina  Railroad, 
which  has  been  twice  leased  under  the  same  authority  con- 
tained in  its  charter,  and  such  leases  have  held  valid  by  the 
Supreme  court,  and  that  the  Atlantic  and  North  Carolina 
road  was  once  before  leased  and  no  question  was  raised  as 
to  the  validity  of  the  contract.  The  matter  is  now  in  the 
courts,  where  it  will  be  decided  according  to  the  legal  points 
involved,  but  even  though  the  lease  were  irregular — which 
hardly   seems  possible — we   are   unable   to   see   why   Craven 


27 
county  and  Mr.  Hill  should  desire  to  annul  it.  There  has,  it 
is  true,  been  a  good  deal  of  kicking  about  one  thing  and  an- 
other along  the  line  of  the  road,  but  these  were  doubtless  due 
largely  to  the  cutting  off  of  the  free  passes,  etc.  The  lease 
of  the  road  has  done  great  things  for  that  section  of  the 
State,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  Judge  Long  will  find  that  there 
is  no  legal  reason  why  the  lease  should  not  stand. 

The  Tar  Heel  is  not  familiar  with  all  the  facts  and  is  not, 
therefore,  prepared  to  vouch  for  the  views  of  the  Charlotte 
Observer.  The  people  have  long  wanted  to  know  all  the  facts 
connected  with  this  road.  When  the  governor  of  North 
Carolina  sent  his  commission  down  to  Newbern  to  investigate 
and  report  on  all  of  the  facts  it  was  supposed  by  an  anxious 
public  that  all  the  facts  would  be  forthcoming  in  such  a  re- 
port, but  for  some  reason  unknown  to  the  public  that  re- 
port has  never  been  given  to  the  public.  The  writer  has  been 
told  that  Mr.  Henry  A.  Page,  who  was  a  member  of  that  com- 
mission and  who  hesitated  and  deliberated  quite  a  while  be- 
fore he  would  sign  said  report,  has  a  typewritten  copy  of  said 
report,  together  with  all  the  evidence  elicited  in  that  investi- 
gation.    It  would  be  interesting  history  at  this  time. 

There  is  nothing  more  intenselyinteresting  in  its  dramatic 
and  romantic  features  since  the  thrilling  inciednts  of  Holien's 
impeachment  trial  than  the  startling  developments  contained 
in  the  precious  typewritten  copy  now  filed  away  by  Mr.  Page 
among  his  last  year's  Sunday  school  magazines  or  among  the 
files  of  his  Daily  News  and  Observer.  We  shall  always  live 
in  the  hope  that  we  may  one  day  be  able  to  see  and  peruse  a 
copy  of  this  most  interesting  bit  of  history. 

The  Tar  Heel,  March  29th,  1906. 

ONE  WAY  TO  CHECK  IMMIGRATION. 

J.  S.  SHERMAN. 

There  be  some  who  profess  alarm  at  the  large  influx  of 
immigration.  I  suggest  one  sure  way  of  stopping  it.  Put 
the  Democratic  party  in  control.  Immigrants  never  seek 
our  shores  in  large  numbers  when  Free-Trade  poiiicies  have 
closed  our  factories.  When  millions  of  their  families  begging 
bread,  there  is  little  temptation  for  the  people  of  other  coun- 
tries, however  unfortunate  their  condition,  to  turn  their  faces 
this  way.  And  be  it  known  that  our  doors  of  trade  cannot 
be  opened  to  the  free  admission  of  competitive  mercahndise 


28 
from   abroad   without   closing  the   doors   of   the   shops   and 
factories  where  this  merchandise  is  now  produced. 

FARMERS  HAVE  NOT  FORGOTTEN. 

Is  there  a  farmer  with  so  poor  a  memory  as  to  have  for- 
gotten 1894,  when  we  consumed  45  per  cent,  less  wheat  per 
capita  than  we  did  in  1892?  Is  there  a  farmer  who  does  not 
now  feel  the  difference  between  the  consumption  of  more  than 
six  bushels  of  wheat  per  capita,  as  against  the  consumption 
of  less  than  three  and  a  half  bushels  per  capita  during  1894? 
Is  there  a  farmer  with  so  short  a  memory  as  to  have  forgotten 
the  effect  upon  him  of  the  loss  in  the  price  of  live  stock, 
averaging  over  $4  for  every  horse,  mule,  steer,  cow,  calf,  sheep, 
and  pig  between  the  years  1892  and  1896?  Is  there  a  farmer 
who  does  not  not  recognize  the  difference  between  an  average 
price  of  $18.34  per  head  for  every  horse,  mule,  steer,  cow, 
calf  pig  and  sheep  in  1905,  as  against  an  average  of  only 
$13.41  in  1896 — an  average  gain  of  nearly  $5  per  head  ? 


The  undenied  figures  of  State  expense  submitted  by  Chair- 
man Adams  in  his  Asheville  speech  and  which  the  News  and 
Observer  has  been  in  labor  with  since — 
REPUBLICAN. 

1898  Agricultural  Dept.  $61,377.94,  1898  Auditor's  Dep't. 
3,500.00,  1898  Governor's  Mansio  1,883.43,  1898  The  Jud- 
iciary 62,061.88,  1898  Laborors  around  capitol  5.753.84,  1898 
Public  printing  10,596.691,  1898  Treasury  Dept.  6,250.00, 
1898  State  Dept.  3,980.54,  1898  Public  Instruction  3,000.00, 
DEMOCRATIC. 

1905  Agricultural  Dept.  $96,523.06,  1905  Auditor's  Dept. 
5,494.31,  1905  Governor's  Mansion  9,308.78,  1905  The  Judi- 
ciary 77,326.59,  1905  Laborers  around  captol  7,615.39,  1905 
Public  printing  30,916.78,  1905  Treasury  Dept.  7,737.00,  1905 
State  Dept.  8,930.05,  1905  Public  Instruction  4,453.73. 

In  other  words  the  sum  total  of  expenses  of  the  depart- 
ments, as  above  enumerated  for  the  year  1898  under  a 
Republican  administration  cost  the  State  $164,581.05  while 
under  the  Democratic  last  year  the  same  departments  cost 
the  State  $225,330.84,  showing  that  the  Democrats  spent 
$90,649.89  more  than  the  Republicans  did. 

THE  DUTY  OF  A  CONGRESSMAN. 

To  be  a  Congressman  and  represent  two  hundred  thousand 


29 

American  citizens  in  the  legislative  councils  of  the  Nation  is 
a  great  calling.  It  should  not  be  termed  a  profession,  and 
it  must  not  be  considered  a  trade.  The  Fathers  builded 
wisely,  and,  some  have  suggested,  more  wisely  than  they 
knew.  They  planned  a  representative  government  and  not  a 
democracy. 

In  harmony  with  the  thought  of  the  founders  of  our  govern- 
ment the  electors  of  a  given  precinct  meet  and  selected  a 
limited  number,  presumably  from  the  better  informed  of  the 
precinct,  to  represent  all  of  the  political  faith  at  a  county 
convention.  Here  similarly  selected  men  from  all  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  county  gather,  and  from  this  body  of  the  better 
informed  of  their  respective  precincts  select  presumably  the 
best  informed  to  represent  all  of  that  faith  at  a  congressional 
convention.  Here  representative  and  well-informed  men  sim- 
ilarly selected  from  all  the  various  counties  of  the  district 
meet  and  canvass  the  situation  and  after  clue  deliberation 
select,  by  ballot,  a  candidate  to  represent  the  district.  The 
party  he  represents  is  successful  at  the  polls,  and  he  is  elected. 
By  this  election  a  hitherto  private  citizen  is  invited  to  step 
out  from  his  law  office,  his  store,  his  bank,  or  his  farm,  and 
to  give  himself  to  the  study  of  statecraft. 

It  is  a  great  thing  to  be  thus  commissioned.  Our  friend 
now  goes  to  Washington  and  there  meets  approximately  two 
hundred  others  similarly  selected  and  holding  like  commis- 
sions, who  agree  with  him  politically,  and  about  the  same 
number,  sometimes  more  and  sometimes  less,  who  disagree 
with  him  politically.  Here  governmental  questions  are  pre- 
sented, discussed,  views  exchanged,  and  votes  recorded. 

How  shall  our  friend  vote?  He  represents  primarily  a 
district  and  secondarily  the  whole  country.  It  is  manifestly 
his  duty  to  listen  to  the  advice  of  every  well-balanced,  in- 
telligent man  of  his  district,  and  also  to  every  unbalanced 
ignorant  man  of  his  district,  if  such  there  be.  The  expressions 
of  opinion  from  these  sources  are  to  be  considered  and  given 
due  weight.  But  how  shall  our  friend  vote?  Shall  he  hold 
himself  responsive  to  every  wave  of  popuar  sentiment  which 
may  effect  his  immediate  constituents,  or  shall  he  rise  in  his 
manhood  and  intelligence  and  so  speak  and  so  vote  as,  in  his 
judgement,  will  best  conserve  the  interests  of  the  people  he 
primarily  represents  by  best  conserving  the  whole  country? 
If  I  analyze  the  situation  correctly,  it  is  his  duty  to  act  always 
in  harmony  with  his  party  on  fundamental  political  principles, 


30 
and  to  dissent  from  the  policy  of  a  majority  of  his  political 
associates  only  when  compelled  to  do  so  by  an  abiding  con- 
viction. In  helping  to  shape  the  course  of  his  party  he  must 
voice  his  own  judgement  even  though  it  runs  contrary  to 
temporary  local  sentiment. 

Having  been  commissioned  to  study  public  questions,  and 
having  been  a  student  of  statecraft,  he  has  a  right  to  assume 
that  he  understands  what  is  involved  in  pending  measures 
somewhat  better  than  the  average  man  of  his  district,  however 
much  time  he  may  have  given  thereto,  and  much  better  than 
the  man  of  his  district  who  has  been  admittedly  intensely 
engrossed  with  his  own  individual  affairs.  If  he  rises  to  his 
plane  he  will  sometimes  record  his  vote  otherwise  than  the 
majority  of  his  constituents  will  desire.  This  he  will  regret 
but  he  will  be  controlled  not  thereby  but  by  his  enlightened 
judgement. 

But  our  friend's  commission  is  not  yet  fulfilled.  Having 
been  called  to  the  study  of  statecraft  he  is  likewise  called  to  be 
a  teacher  of  statecraft.  His  constituents  have  sent  him  to  a 
great  political  normal  school,  and  it  is  now  his  duty  to  return 
to  those  who  sent  him  and  instruct  then  in  matters  political 
and  to  teach  the  relation  between  public  questions  and  the 
normal,  the  commercial  and  the  industrial  interests  of  his 
district  and  of  the  country  at  large. 

Some  years  ago  I  was  at  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  heard 
the  older  citizens  tell  with  commendable  pride  of  the  days 
when  they  used  to  meet  Henry  Clay  at  the  Ohio  river  and 
bear  him  home  amid  an  escort  of  admiring  friends.  They 
showed  me  the  balcony  of  the  hotel  from  which  the  great 
statesman  of  his  time  used  to  instruct  the  people  of  the  hour. 
Such  a  course  continued  through  a  term  of  years  will  produce 
great  statesmen,  and  such  statesmanship  continued  will  de- 
velop  great  constituencies. 

It  may  be  that  as  some  contend  the  trend  of  the  times  is 
not  friendly  to  statesmanship.  The  temptation  may  be  great 
to  study  local  sentiment  and  promptly  respond  thereto  rather 
than  the  real  needs  of  the  hour  and  be  faithful  thereto.  The 
press  too  generally  conveys  the  impression  that  it  is  the  con- 
summation of  statesmanship  to  succeed  in  keeping  oneself  in 
office.  To  believe  something  and  politically  perish  because  of 
his  convictions  is  painted  in  disgraceful  colors.  In  some 
quarters  it  seems  to  be  impossible  of  conception  that  a  man 
does  anything  except  with  an  eye  single  to  his  own  political 


31 

advancement.  If  this  is  to  be  the  standard,  if  it  is  to  eb  ap- 
proved by  the  public,  then  no  one  must  be  surprised  if  the 
next  decade  produces  quite  as  many  demagogues  as  statesmen. 

Secretary  SHAW. 

AS  TO  SELLING  ABROAD  CHEAPER  THAN 
AT  HOME. 

Secretary  Shaw,  speaking  at  Salisbury,  N.  C,  on  Monday 
evening,  September  10,1906,  said  in  part : 

Our  political  opponents  lay  much  stress  on  the  fact  that 
some  American  manufactures  are  soli  abroad  cheaper  than 
at  home.  That  the  practice  prevails  to  some  extent  all  must 
admit,  but  that  it  does  not  prevail  generally  or  to  any  con- 
siderable extent  is  easily  established.  A  nonpartisan  indus- 
trial commission  was  appointed  by  Congress  in  1898,  which, 
after  spending  more  than  three  years  in  the  investigation, 
filed  its  report  in  1902,  which  was  published  in  18  large  vol- 
umes. This  report  contains  all  available  evidence  on  this 
subject.  After  making  careful  compilations  from  the  date 
therein  contained,  Senator  Gallinger,  of  New  Hampshire, 
stated  on  the  floor  of  the  United  States  Senate,  in  April,  1904, 
that  approximately  $4,000,000  worth  of  American  manufact- 
ured products  are  annuually  sold  abroad  cheaper  than  in 
our  own  domestic  market.  No  one  has  ever  attempted  to 
disprove  Senator  Gallinger 's  conclusions,  though  our  political 
opponents  continue  to  speak  of  the  practice  as  well-nigh 
universal.  This  $4,000,000  worth  can  be  far  more  than  ac- 
counted for  by  the  advantage  given  to  exporters  under  our 
drawback  laws,  and  it  is  quite  likely  the  estimate  is  too  low. 

It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  for  many 
years  to  allow  manufacturers  who  export  their  products  the 
advantage  of  the  cheapest  possible  rawmaterial.  The  Dingley 
tariff  law  provides  two  ways  by  which  exporters  may  avail 
themselves  of  this  aclvantageoues  privilege.  First,  the  law 
authorizes  the  manufacture  of  merchandise  for  export  in 
bonded  factories  and  permits  to  be  transferred  thereto  not 
not  only  import  ores,  iron,  and  steel  billets  and  other  material 
free  of  duty,  but  also  spirits  and  tobacco  free  of  internal- 
revenue  tax.  During  the  last  fiscal  year  approximately 
$10,000,000  worth  of  imported  spirits  and  tobacco  were  thus 
used  and  the  entire  product  exported  and  no  duty  or  internal 
revenue  paid  thereon.  Had  this  material  been  entered  for 
consumption  in  this  country,  the  duty  and  internal-revenue 


32 
tax  would  have  been  quite  a  large  amount,  and,  to  the  extent 
of  this  saving  in  the  cost  of  the  finished  product,  the  smelter 
and  manufacturer   could  reduce  his   export  price  and  still 
make  the  same  profit. 

Under  the  American  scale  of  wages  the  value  of  ordinary 
American  manufacture  is  about  equally  divided  between  ma- 
terial and  labor.  The  conversion  into  finished  products,  there- 
fore, of  $10,000,000  worth  of  raw  material  consumed  in  bond- 
ed factories  would  justify  the  sale  abroad  of  twice  that 
amount  of  refined  or  manufactured  products  cheaper  than 
at  home.  I  should  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  most  of  the 
output  of  these  bonded  smelteries  and  factories  is  sold  abroad 
below  the  price  prevailing  in  the  United  States. 

The  other  method  provided  in  the  Dingley  law  for  allowing 
manufacturers  who  export  their  products  the  advantage  of 
cheap  material  authorizes  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
pay  back  to  the  exporter  of  manufactured  merchandise  99 
per  cent,  of  the  duty  which  he  has  actually  paid  upon  any  im- 
ported material  consumed  therein.  During  the  last  fiscal 
year  there  was  refunded  to  exporters  of  manufactures  pro- 
duced in  the  whole  or  in  part  from  imported  dutiable  material 
approximately  $6,000,000.  The  refund  of  duties  averages 
about  5  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  exported  merchandise. 
This  drawback  provision,  therefore,  justifies  the  sale  abroad 
of  $120,000,000  worth  of  American-manufactured  merchan- 
dise 5  per  cent  below  the  domestic  price  of  similar  articles. 
Both  these  provisions  of  the  Dingley  tariff  law  were  enacted 
for  the  avowed  and  sole  purpose  of  enabling  the  American 
employer  of  labor  to  put  his  product  on  the  foreign  market  at 
reduced  prices.  In  this  way  only  is  he  able  sucessfully  to 
compete  with  rivals  who  always  have  the  benefit  of  cheap 
labor  and  frequently  of  .nondurable  and  untaxed  material. 

The  articles  on  which  drawbacks  are  allowed  are  numerous 
and  varied.  Last  year  drawbacks  were  allowed  on  18  articles 
in  which  dutiable  iron  or  steel  was  consumed,  9  articles  in 
which  dutiable  imported  lead  ore  or  lead  bullion  was  incor- 
porated, 3  articles  in  which  dutiable  tin  plate  formed  a  part, 
9  articles  in  which  dutiable  sugar  or  molasses  was  used,  12 
different  articles  in  which  imported  dutiable  alcohol  was 
used,  several  in  which  imported  dutiable  hides  or  leather  was 
used,  and  no  end  of  articles  in  which  dutiable  imported  wool 
was  used.     Drawbacks  were  allowed  on  over  130  manufactur- 


33 

ed  articles,  in  the  production  of  which  50  different  kinds  of 
dutiable  imported  materials  were  consumed. 

The  policy  of  allowing  drawbacks  upon  the  exportation  of 
manufactures  into  which  dutiable  raw  material  has  entered 
is  in  strict  harmony  with  the  principle  of  protection.  The 
protective  principle  avowedly  and  in  fact  gives  the  American 
producer  an  advantage  within  the  American  market,  but  no 
economic  policy  can  give  the  American  producer  an  advan- 
tage over  his  foreign  competitor  in  the  foreign  market. 

The  Treasury  Department  has  many  confidential  agents  in 
Europe,  and  I  officially  meet  a  large  number  of  people, 
many  of  them  importers,  who  annually  go  to  Europe  on  busi- 
ness. Through  these  two  sources  I  have  sought  to  find  what, 
if  any,  articles  of  American  production  can  be  purchased 
abroad  cheaper  than  at  home,  and  incidentally  have  accumu- 
lated abundant  evidence  to  disprove  the  claim  of  our  oppon- 
ents that  the  practice  of  dumping,  as  it  is  called  throughout 
Europe,  is  general.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  letter  from  a  busi- 
ness man  of  New  Jersey  on  the  subject.  He  says  he  recently 
purchased  at  Trenton,  N.  J.,  a  McCormick  mower  for  $36. 
This,  he  says,  was  the  price  at  which  anyone  could  buy,  spot 
cash.  He  found  the  identical  make  and  pattern  for  sale  in 
England  at  10  pounds  (48.40  our  money),  and  in  France  for 
francs  275,  or  $55.  He  found  Smith  &  Wesson  revolvers, 
which  regularly  sell  in  New  York  at  $10.50,  for  sale  in  Paris 
at  the  equivalent  of  $15.  He  found  the  Douglas  shoe,  ad- 
vertised in  every  town  in  the  United  States  for  $3.50  per 
pair,  also  popular  in  London,  the  metropolis  of  a  free-trade 
country,  at  the  equvalent  of  $4  per  pair,  and  in  Paris  at  the 
equivalent  of  $4.25  per  pair.  The  identical  Sorosis  shoe, 
which  sells  in  New  York  at  $4.50,  is  sold  in  London  at  $5.25. 
My  daughters  who  spent  the  winter  in  Europe,  wrote  their 
mother  who  was  soon  to  join  them,  to  bring  shoes,  for  they 
could  not  get  good  shoes  as  cheap  in  Paris.  My  friend  says. 
he  found  a  Singer  sewing  machine  at  a  cheaper  price  in 
Europe  than  in  America,  but  he  added  that  it  was  a  machine 
made  at  their  G-erman  factory,  and  of  much  rougher  finish 
and  inferior  in  every  way. 

But  what  shall  be  said  of  this  practice  as  a  policy  ?  Is  the 
practice  bad  per  se?  Who  suffers  because  of  it?  Does  the 
American  laborer?  Go  ask  the  man  who  produces  these  ex- 
ported wares  thus  dumped  abroad.  I  have  been  criticised 
for  saying  that  I  would  prefer  to  have  the  American  manu- 


34 
facturer  sell  his  products  abroad  cheaper  than  at  home  rather 
than,  have  the  foreign  producer  sell  his  wares  in  America 
cheaper  than  at  home.  This  is  the  same  as  saying  that  I 
would  prefer  to  have  the  products  of  our  factories  close 
foreign  shops  rather  than  have  the  products  of  foreign  shops 
close  our  factories.  I  wish  all  the  world  well,  but  if  anyone 
has  to  be  out  of  employment,  if  there  must  be  suffering  some- 
where, then  I  will  use  my  best  efforts  that  it  come  not  nigh  my 
country.  If,  to  accomplish  this,  it  shall  be  necessary  that  I 
pay  more  for  my  clothes,  more  for  my  shoes,  more  for  sewing 
machine,  more  for  my  typewriter,  more  for  the  barbed  wire 
used  on  my  Iowa  farm  than  is  paid  for  the  same  articles  in 
Europe,  then  I  will  not  object  so  long  as  the  products  of 
American  farms  feed,  and  the  products  of  Amercican  looms 
•clothe,  and  the  products  of  American  labor  generally  supply 
■every  need  of,  those  who  produce  these  things  thus  sold 
abroad  at  reduced  prices.  I  will  consent  to  pay  a  little  more 
than  otherwise  would  be  necessary  to  the  end  that  the  pro- 
ducts of  American  labor  shall  be  put  on  foreign  markets. 

EXCLUSION  OF  CHEAP  LABOR. 

(From  Sec.  Shaw's  Salisbury  Speech.) 
The  coolie  laborer  is  unpopular,  largely  because  of  his 
inexpensive  habits.  He  neither  feeds  himself,  clothes  him- 
self, nor  houses  his  family  as  do  Americans.  Living  on  a 
lower  plane,  he  can  of  course  afford  to  work  cheaper  than 
Americans,  and  his  presence  is  a  menace,  not  so  much  to 
American  morals  as  to  American  labor.  To  the  extent  that 
he  secures  his  pro  rata  share  of  American  wages  and  fails  to 
contribute  proportionately  to  the  consumptive  capacity  of  the 
country  his  presence  is  undersirable.  The  Republican  party 
therefore  says  to  him :  ' '  Unless  you  consent  to  be  an  American 
consumer  you  shall  not  be  an  American  producer.  You  must 
be  an  American  in  both  respects  or  in  neither. ' ' 

Republican  laws  against  contract  labor  are  of  the  same 
class.  But  for  these  laws  manufacturers  would  go  abroad, 
hire  laborers  at  the  European  scale  of  wages,  and  bring  them 
to  this  country  under  contract  to  work  below  the  American 
scale.  This  was  once  the  practice  to  the  prejudice  not  only 
of  labor  but  to  the  prejudice  of  the  American  farmer  as  well. 
Low  wages  compel  poor  living  and  poor  living  harms  the 
farmer  and  the  manufacturer  also,  for  it  restricts  the  con- 
sumptive capacity  of  the  country. 


35 
The  Republican  party  gives  the  American  manufacturer 
for  the  foreign  market,  every  possible  advantage  except  that 
of  cheap  labor.  No  law  can  protect  the  American  producer 
in  the  foreign  market,  hence  the  exporter  of  the  product  of 
American  labor  is  given  the  cheapest  possible  ra,w  material. 
If  it  be  said  that  this  is  to  the  advantage  of  the  exporter,  I 
reply  that  it  aids  quite  as  much  those  whom  the  exporter 
employs,  while  those  Avho  supply  the  ordinary  needs  of  these 
employed  artisans  are  benefited  also. 

THE  WORK  OF  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT'S 

COADMINISTRATION. 

A  MAGNIFICENT  REVIEW. 
THE  MAN  OF  THE  PERIOD. 

When  a  party  comes  to  the  people  and  asks  for  their  suport, 
it  should  be  able  to  show  that  this  support  is  deserved  because 
of  pledges  fulfilled,  and  public  duty  well  and  faithfully  done, 
which  has  .redowned  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people.  If 
the  Repubiclan  party  can  show  such  a  record,  then  it  deserves 
and  should  receive  the  support  of  every  voter  of  the  county. 
If  the  Democratic  party  cannot  show  such  a  record,  then  it 
does  not  deserve  and  should  not  receive  such  support.  Every 
voter  owes  it  to  himself,  to  his  family  and  to  his  ccountry  to 
vote  to  endorse  and  continue  those  government  policies  which 
have  proven  best  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  all. 

If  the  voters  of  the  country  should  fail  to  do  this  with  their 
ballots,  then  to  that  extent  would  we  show  we  were  wanting  in 
intelligence,  in  patriotism  and  in  capacity  for  self-govern 
ment.  This  being  true,  then  let  us  look  at  the  record  of  the 
Republican  party  and  also  at  the  record  of  the  opponent  and 
decide  how  each  of  us  should  cast  our  ballots. 

In  the  last  Republican  National  Platform  the  party  de- 
clared for: 

1.  A  just  and  courageous  enforcement  of  private  and  public 
rights  in  all  controversies  between  thepeople  and  corporate 
combinations. 

2.  Maintainance  of  the  well  established  principle  of  pro- 
tection for  the  fostering  of  home  industries,  and  the  protection 
of  American  labor  against  the  competition  of  foreign  pauper 
labor. 

3.  The  extension  and  increase  of  our  foreign  trade  by  all 
practicable  methods. 


36 

4.  Stable  expansion  of  our  currency  and  the  preservation 
of  the  public  credit. 

5.  The  building  of  the  Isthmian  Canal. 

6.  The  regulation  of  imigration  and  the  enforcement  of  the 
laws  pertaining  thereto. 

The  people  believed  in  these  principles  and  they  believed  in 
the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the  Republican  party  to  carry 
them  out  in  good  faith. 

Was  their  faith  well  founded?  Have  these  platform  pled- 
ges been  kept  by  the  adminstration  of  Theodore  Roosevelt? 
The  humblest  American  knows  that  they  have  been  kept  and 
that  too,  without  fear  or  favor.  The  rights  of  the  poorest 
and  humblest  have  been  as  zealously  guarded  as  those  of  the 
rich  and  powerful.  All  that  was  promised  has  been  faith- 
fully done  and  even  more. 

PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 

Agitation  against  the  principle  of  "Tariff  for  protection" 
has  been  rife,  but  the  Republican  party  has  stood  "pat",  de- 
manding that  the  present  stable  business  conditions  must  be 
preserved,  and  that  the  tariff  tinkering  of  the  Democratic 
agitators,  whose  destructive  tariff  legislation  has  involved 
the  country  more  than  once  in  industrial  depression  and  ruin, 
must  be  shunned  and  avoided  if  we  hope  to  preserve  our  pres- 
ent national  prosperity.  The  Republican  party  will  foster 
no  evil  that  may  creep  in  under  the  protection  system,  but 
pledges  the  public  to  correct  the  same  as  fast  as  practical 
and  as  often  as  they  may  arise.  Wisdom  and  prudence 
demands  that  such  correction  must  be  by  the  friends  of  pro- 
tection and  not  to  be  trusted  to  the  enemies  of  protection, 
whose  hope  would  be,  not  to  cure  any  evil  of  the  system,  but 
to  destroy  it.  No  evil  has  ever  existed  under  the  Republican 
tariff  that  was  equal  to  the  wide  spread  evils  thatsprang  up  to 
blight  the  country  under  the  Democratic  tariff.  Do  the  voters 
perfer  present  prosperous  conditions,  or  do  they  want  to  re- 
turn to  conditions  of  depression  and  hard  times  under  the 
Cleveland  tariff?  On  this  question  the  Republican  party 
confidently  asks  and  expects  the  people 's  approval. 

TRADE  EXPANSION. 

During  the  years  of  the  Roosevelt  administration  our  trade 
has  expanded  at  home  and  abroad.  The  South,  and  partic- 
ularly the  State  of  North  Carolina,  have  been  chief  bene- 
ficiaries of  this  expansion  through  the   policy  of  trade  en- 


37 
couragement,  and  new  markets  for  our  cotton  and  other 
raw  materials  has  been  opened  up  in  the  Orient.  And  by  rea- 
son of  our  well  paid  skilled  labor,  we  are  sending  ships 
loaded  with  American-made  goods  all  over  the  civilized  world. 
The  surplus  product  of  our  factories  has  found  a  market  and 
at  a  remunerative  price. 

Our  party's  pledge  to  promote  these  conditions  has  been 
kept  inviolate.  Compare  the  price  of  cotton  now  with  the 
price  under  the  Cleveland  administration  and  look  at  the 
increasing  number  of  factories  of  all  kinds,  all  busy  and  none 
closed  down.  Is  there  a  voter  in  the  whole  state  who  would 
like  to  return  to  the  conditions  under  the  Cleveland  adminis- 
tration? If  so,  then  that  person  may  have  some  reason  for 
voting  the  Democratic  ticket. 

THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 

Under  the  leadership  of  the  President,  and  over  the  ground- 
less objections  of  the  Democratic  leaders  in  Congress,  the 
Republican  party  has  enacted  legislation  and  appropiated 
money  for  the  construction  of  thegiieat  Canal,aeross  the 
Isthmus  ofPanama, — a  commercial  dream  cherished  by  our 
country  for  more  than  a  century.  This  gigantic  and  pregnant 
enterprise  is  now  actively  begun  and  will,  in  due.  and  proper 
time,  be  completed  and  thus  become  one  of  the  greatest 
governmental  achivements  ever  accomplished  in  history.  It 
wil  mean  a  developement  of  national  and  international  trade, 
and  will  be  of  the  greatest  advantage  tothe  industrial  and 
material  progress  of  the  South.  Already  impetus  has  been 
given  to  the  coast-wise  traffic  of  our  Atlantic  and  Gulf  ports, 
and  the  improvement  already  noted  is  but  an  earnest  of  the 
remarkable  developement  that  may  be  expected  when  the 
ships  of  the  world  make  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  their  route 
for  carrying  the  trade  of  the  Orient  from  the  eastern  to  the 
western  world 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  not  forgotten,  and  will 
not  forget,  with  what  singleness  of  purpose  and  patriotism 
endeavor  the  President  entered  upon  negotiations  for  the 
cession  of  the  Panama  Canal  strip  tothe  United  States,  nor 
have  they  forgotten  how  he  was  ruthlessly  attacked  by 
Democratic  leaders  for  his  actions,  in  spite  of  his  wonderful 
success.  He  stood  firm,  completed  his  negotiations,  and  secur- 
ed Congressional  approval,  and  is  now  by  his  own  great  zeal 
inspiring  20,000  employees  on  the  Canal  to  make  the  dirt  fly 


38 
and  open  it  as  rapidly  as  possible  for  the  use  of  the  world. 

When  it  is  completed  there  will  be  opened  the  greatest 
waterway  for  the  international  trade  in  the  world,  and  its 
completion  will  signalize  the  most  wonderful  accomplishment 
in  the  realm  of  practical  statesmanship  ever  before  realized. 
If  he  had  done  nothing  more,  this  alone  would  have  placed 
Theodore  Roosevelt  among  the  greatest  men  in  the  World's 
history. 

There  have  been  so  many  other  legislative  and  executive 
accomplishments  during  the  administration  of  our  affairs  by 
President  Roosevelt  that  to  mention  them  in  detail  is  im- 
possible. It  is  only  possible  to  speak  of  them  briefly  and  ask 
the  people  to  refer,  for  details,  to  the  publications  of  public 
history  since  the  Roosevelt  administration  began. 

CUBA,  THE  PHILIPPINES  AND  PORTO  RICO 

After  our  successful  war  with  Spain,  which  gave  to  us  the 
dominion  of  Cuba,  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Porto  Rico,  the 
duties  of  carrying  our  policies  of  equity  and  justice  to  the 
people  thus  placed  under  our  flag  were  numerous,  delicate 
and  important.  The  great  administrative  genius  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  has  established  order  and  promoted  theinter- 
ests  of  the  natives  of  these  islands,  and  there  has  been  formed 
south  of  us,  under  the  guiding  hand,  the  Republic  of  Cuba,  to 
which  we  are  cemented  by  all  the  ties  of  freindship  and  na- 
tional gratitude. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

Through  the  influence  of  the  Roosevelt  administration  the 
principles  of  non-interference  by  European  powers  with  the 
status  of  the  various  countries  of  the  Western  Hemisphere, 
known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  has  been  greatly  strengthened. 
The  sending  of  the  controversy  between  Venesuela,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  England  and  Germany  on  the  other,  to  the  Hague 
Arbitration  Tribunal  was  a  striking  instance  in  point.  Also 
the  settlement  upon  the  basis  of  equity  on  the  Alaskan  Boun- 
dry  question  between  the  United  States  and  Canada  are  only 
a  few  coses  in  point. 

EXTRA  CONSTITUTIONAL  DUTIES. 

The  handling  of  the  questions  enumerated  above  were  all 
duties  which  fell  upon  the  President  under  the  Constitution. 
Each  problem  was  met  and  solved  upon  the  highest  principles 
of   patriotism   and   conservative   statesmanship.     The   results 


39 
achived  have  made  every  loyal  American  citizen  prouder  of 
his  country  and  more  loyal  to  the  highest  ideals  of  citizen- 
ship, upon  which  our  Republic  is  founded.  President 
Roosevelt  however,  unlike  most  Presidents,  has  not  been  con- 
tent to  perform  solely  the  duties  he  was  bound  by  law  to  per- 
form. He  has  been  willing  to  perform  all  duties  which  he 
felt  attached  morally,  as  well  as  legally,  to  the  high  office  of 
President  of  our  Republic.     Note  a  few  instances : 

JAPAN  AND  RUSSIA. 

While  the  rulers  of  all  nations  of  the  world  were  watching 
in  seemingly  helpless  way,  the  death  struggle  between  Japan 
and  Russia,  which  not  only  threatened  the  Commercial  life 
of  both  nations  as  well  as  effecting  seriously  the  commerce 
of  the  world,  but  which  was  also  dealing  death  to  thousands 
of  brave  soldiers  daily,  our  President,  with  prestige  of  his 
high  office,  stepped  between  the  combatants  and  urged  them  to 
lay  down  their  swords  and  be  at  peace.  Both  migthy  nations 
paused,  the  world  held  its  breath,  and  both  nations  ceased 
hostilities,  sent  Peace  Commissioners  to  our  shores,  where  they 
met,  conferred  and  agreed  to  terms  of  peace.  Probably  no 
other  man  in  the  world  could  have  accomplished  this  result. 
It  was  the  imposing  personality  of  the  President  as  much  as 
the  commanding  position  of  our  government  that  crowned  the 
effort  with  success.  The  full  significance  of  this  stupendous 
act,  fraught  with  such  world  wide  significance,  is  beyond  our 
comprehension.  It  will  be  left  tothe  historians  of  the  future 
to  record  its  mighty  effect  upon  the  world's  progress  towards 
the  banishment  of  war,  and  the  realization  of  a  world-peace. 

THE  COAL  STRIKE. 

It  is  fresh  in  the  public  minds  how  only  two  years  ago  the 
whole  United  States  was  threatened  with  a  coal  famine,  and 
all  the  horrors  that  such  a  calamity  would  have  entailed  upon 
every  class  of  our  citizenship.  The  coal  barons,  steadfast  in 
their  determination  not  to  yield  an  inch,  were  threatening  a 
remorseless  war  of  extermination  upon  the  laboring  millions 
who  existed  upon  the  results  of  their  toil  in  the  coal  fields. 
Organized  labor  and  organized  capital  faced  each  other  with 
a  purpose  equally  determined,  and  the  helpless  public  lay 
prone  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  two  contending  forces.  No 
one  could  see  a  way  of  avoiding  the  untold  misery  and  want 
which  was  certain  from  a  long  continuance  of  the  strike,  and 
its  many  attendant  evils  of  riot,  bloodshed  and  hunger.     Pres- 


40 

iclent  Roosevelt,  however,  feeling  that  to  be  the  Presi  lent  of  a 
great  people,  demanded  that  he  save  the  country  from  the 
dire  disaster  of  a  war  of  such  great  interests,  if  possible,  so 
he  called  the  capital  and  labor  to  the  White  House  and  with 
consummate  tact  secured  a  peaceful  settlement,  not  only  to  the 
reliefof  the  contending  powers,  but  to  the  whole  country.  As 
the  representative  of  80,000,000  American  citizens  he  de- 
manded of  both  labor  and  capital  that  they  settle  their  con- 
troversy by  making  mutual  concessions  in  the  interest  of  the 
great  masses,  and  as  in  all  his  splendid  endeavors  for  the  good 
of  all  the  people,  he  won  a  significant  victory,  proving  that 
the  victories  of  peace  are,  in  fact,  greater,  in  an  untold  degree 
than  those  of  war. 

The  President  did  not  have  to  undertake  this  mighty  task. 
No  law  called  upon  him  to  do  it.  No  citizen  could  have  criticised 
him  justly  if  he  had  left  it  undone.  Yet  his  love  of  human- 
ity, and  his  desire  to  serve  the  people  who  had  honored  him 
moved  horn  beyond  the  strict  requirements  of  writen  law  into 
the  wider  fields  of  universal  human  needs  and  seeing  that 
there  was  need  for  work  to  be  done,  he  used  his  own  forceful 
personality  and  the  prestige  of  his  high  office  to  do  it.  But 
it  took  a  deep  patriotism  backed  by  great  courage  to  under- 
take such  a  task. 

THE  JEWISH  MASSACRES. 

The  Republican  party  had  its  birth  in  a  desire  to  secure 
and  perpetuate  human  freedom.  Since  it's  ''baptism  of  fire" 
in  '61 — '65,  it  has  stood  foremost  for  a  broader  liberty  among 
the  peoples  of  all  nations.  "Equal  rights  to  all'  has  been  its 
motto  at  home,  and  it  has  sought  to  spread  the  same  Gospel 
by  legitimate  means  to  other  nations.  Our  party  has  always 
declared  for  manhood  sufferage,  and  for  individual  liberty. 
It  has  always  looked  with  horror  upon  the  violation  of  these 
fundimental  principles,  and  has  striven  to  enforce  them 
universally.  These  principles  are  the  hope  of  the  world- 
civilization,  and  although  a  technical  interpretation  of  inter- 
national law  might  suggest  our  silence  when  they  were  vio- 
lated by  other  nations,  yet  when  the  world  was  horror-struck 
with  news  of  the  heartless  and  merciless  massacres  of  Russian 
Jews,  President  Roosevelt  did  not  keep  silent,  as  did  all  the 
other  rulers  of  civilized  nations,  but  in  his  own  bold  way,  he 
cut  the  Gordian  Knot  of  effete  diplomacy  and  called  on  the 
Russian  Tzar  and  the  Russian  people  in  the  name  of  outraged 


41 

humanity  to  desist  from  their  barbarous  deeds  of  blood.  Such 
a  deed  required  imperial  courage,  and  the  effect  of  his  bold 
denunciation  of  Russian  outrage  has  been  heard  around  the 
world,  and  its  echoes  had,no  doubt,  some  effect  to  arouse  the 
dull-minded  Russian  peasant  until  to-day  there  is  prospect  of 
such  a  revolt  by  the  common  people  of  Russia  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  Russian  Tzar  as  to  bring  about  at  least  a 
measure  of  self-government  for  the  Russian  people. 

ROOSEVELT  AND   ENFORCEMENT  OF 
THE  LAW. 

In  the  approaching  campaign  which  will  be  heard  upon  the 
subject  of  aggression  of  trusts,  money  powers  and  corporate 
greed.  On  these  subjects  Republicans  can  stand  defiant  and 
meet  their  political  opponents  upon  every  stump  and  vanquish 
them  with  a  magnificant  record  of  wise  Republican  legis- 
lation fearlessly  enforced  by  Republican  Presidents.  It  is 
universallyknown  that  the  only  effective  anti-trust  legislation 
ever  enacted  has  been  placed  upon  the  statute  books  by  Re- 
publican Congressmen  and  signed  by  Republican  Presidents, 
It  is  equally  known  that  during  the  administration  of  Pres- 
ident Cleveland  when  the  Democrats  were  in  full  power  in 
this  country,  that  no  effort  to  prosecute  the  trusts,  which 
were  as  aggressive  then  as  now,  was  made,  and  that  Presi- 
dent Cleveland's  Attorney  General  expressly  declared  his 
inability  to  punish  violators  of  the  anti-trust  law,  and  his 
helplessness  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  people.  How  differ- 
ent have  been  the  conditions  under  the  Roosevelt  administra- 
tion. Time  after  time  time  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States  has  gone  into  the  courts,  proved  violations  of 
the  anti-trust  law  before  juries,  secured  convctions  and  judg- 
ments of  thet  court  dissolving  the  trust  organizations  and 
punishing  the  offenders,  and  in  all  classes  where  the  courts 
have  appealed  to,  secured  such  adjunctions  as  established 
and  guaranteed  the  rights  of  the  public. 

THE  RAILROAD  RATE  cAND  PURE   FOOD 

BILL. 

The  President  has  gone  further  than  enforce  existing  laws. 
Where  he  has  found  a  weak  point  in  existing  law,  has  called 
upon  Congress  to  amend  and  strengthen  the  same.  An  in- 
stance in  point  is  the  recent  Railroad  Rate  Regulation  Bill, 
and  the  Pure  Food  Laws  passed  by  the  session  of  Congress. 


42 
These  wise  measures  are  a  great  step  forward  and  guarantee 
in  a  large  measure  protection  of  the  public  from  the  imposi- 
tions of  the  Greedy  Meat  Trust  and  the  domination  of  the 
Commercial  world  by  the  great  Railroad  Trust  which  has  had 
unrestrained  sway  for  so  many  years.  This  legislation  was 
the  result  of  the  deliberations  of  the  Republican  administra- 
tion, and  this  administration  is  now  determinedly  enforcing 
these  enactments,  and  in  all  cases  are  safeguarding  the  rights 
of  the  American  public. 

ROOSEVELT'S  PERSONALITY. 

During  the  last  four  years  there  has  been  a  great  uplift- 
ing in  the  moral  tone  and  business  methods  of  our  govern- 
mental administration  of  public  affairs.  Graft  and  eorrup- 
ion  have  been  hounded  down  and  rooted  out  every  where, 
and  public  servants  have  held  to  a  higher  sense  of  official  ob- 
ligation than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  country.  The 
splendid  personality  of  President  Roosevelt  has  been  largely 
responsible  for  this  great  reform  along  moral  lines.  He  has 
stood  for  the  highest  official  probity,  and  has  made  a  violation 
of  official  duty  the  unpardonable  sin  in  official  life.  His  ad- 
ministration has  indicted  officials  of  his  own  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party  and  punished  them  without  regard  to  any  ques- 
tion but  their  guilt.  He  has  set  a  higher  standard  than  ever 
before  in  making  appointments,  and  has  demanded  a  stricter 
performance  of  official  duty  for  the  public  good. 

Secretary  of  the  State,  Elihu  Root  in  speaking  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  before  the  last  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion, paid  him  the  following  tribute : 

"No  people  can  maintain  free  government  who  do  not  in 
their  hearts  value  the  qualities  which  have  made  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  conspicious  among  men  of  his  time 
as  a  type  of  noble  manhood.  Come  what  may  here,  come 
what  may  in  November,  God  grant  that  these  qualities  of 
brave,  true  manhood  shall  have  honor  throughout  America, 
shall  be  held  for  an  example  in  every  home,  and  that  the 
youth  of  generations  to  come  may  grow  up  to  feel  that  it  is 
better  than  wealth,  or  office,  or  power,  to  have  the  honesty, 
the  purity  and  the  courage  of  Theodore  Roosevelt." 

The  great  Republican  majority  at  the  last  election 
was  the  tribute  of  the  people  to  these  qualities  and  to  the 
great  work  which  President  Eoosevelt's  administration  had 
begun.     Since  the  last  election,  the  Republican  party  under 


43 
his  leadership  has  accomplished  many  fold  more  great  re- 
forms, and  besides  the  President  himself  has  grown  in  the 
love,  esteem  and  admiration  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
and  indeed,  of  the  whole  world  as  never  before.  Then  the 
people  will  but  be  doing  themselves  honor  in  endorsing  the 
President  and  the  work  of  his  administration  by  rolling  up 
another  great  majority  at  the  poles  next  November.  And  it 
is  time  that  North  Carolina  was  also  getting  in  line  with  her 
endorsement. 

WONDERFUL  PROGRESS  MADE  BY  THE 
FUSIONISTS  IN  EDUCATION  WHEN 
IN  CHARGE  OF  THE  STATE  GOVERN- 
MENT. THEY  GAVE  THE  STATE  THE 
BEST  SCHOOL  LAW  IT  EVER  HAD. 


They  increased  the  School  term  2  1-3  weeks  in  one  year 
without  increasing  the  schooltax.  By  changing  the  school 
law  and  economic  management  saved  the  state  over  one- 
half  million  dollars  annually. 


The  Democrats  make  false  charges  for  campagin  purposes. 


Commissioner  Varner  in  his  report  for  1904  &  1905,  shows 
that  the  educational  conditional  of  the  State  is  "POOR" 
and  is  growing  worse. 


The  democratic  platform  adopted  at  their  state  convention 
in  Greensboro  1906,  has  the  following  to  say  of  the  record  of 
the  democratic  party  in  education : 

"We  express  hearty  approval  of  the  great  results  accom- 
plished through  educational  work  during  the  past  six  years 
of  democratic  rule,  and  the  great  improvement  made  during 
that  time  in  our  educational  conditions,  and  we  promise  a  con- 
tinuance of  a  4  months  school  term  for  all  the  children  of  the 
state."  The  above  statement  sounds  modest  enough,  and 
might  be  accepted  as  true  by  those  who  are  not  well  informed, 
but  when  this  statement  from  the  democratic  platform  is 
considered  in  connection  with  the  facts  taken  from  the  official 
records,  and  fully  given  elsewhere  in  our  discussion  of  the 
record  of  the  democratic  party  in  education  for  the  past  six 
years,  then  this  claim  made  in  the  democratic  platform  ap- 


44 
pears  to  be  absurd,  but  for  unadulterated  gall,  let  us  quote  a 
few  passages  from  the  Democratic  Handbook  of  1904,  to  see 
the  kind  of  stuff  that  was  dished  out  by  the  democraitc  press 
and  democratic  spell-binders  to  the  uninformed  voters  during 
the  last  campaign.  "We  quote  from  the  Democratic  Hand- 
book for  1904:  "Fusion  rulechecked  educational  progress, 
and  the  fusionists  by  their  law,  under  which  negro  commit- 
teemen could  control  white  schools,  they  effectually  checked 
educational  progress,  and  lessened  educational  interest.  On 
account  of  this  law,  and  the  general  lack  of  confidence  in  the 
administration  of,  and  respect  for  it,  there  was  naturally  a 
decided  decraese  in  the  enrollment  and  attendance  of  the 
white  schools"? 

If  any  democratic  candidate  was  elected  to  office  in  the  state 
in  1904  by  virture  of  the  above  statement,  or  if  any  democrat 
should  succeed  this  year  in  deceiving  the  people  by  any  such 
false  and  deceptive  argument,  in  the  face  of  the  facts  that 
can  be  found  by  an  examination  of  the  official  school  records 
of  the  state,  he  should  be  prosecuted  and  convicted  for  ob- 
taining goods  under  false  pretense.  Now  let  us  briefly  re- 
view the  work  of  the  Fusionists  on  education  when  they  had 
charge  of  the  state  government,  and  from  the  official  records 
we  can  determine  whether  or  not  the  above  charges  of  the 
democrats  are  true  or  false. 

The  legislature  of  1897  did  not  increase  the  rate  of  taxa- 
tion for  public  schools,  nor  did  it  borrow  money  and  issue 
bonds  for  that  purpose,  but  by  abolishing  the  old  Democrat 
school  law,  and  enacting  a  new  one,  they  increased  the  school 
term  in  North  Carolina  two  and  one-third  weeks,  and  this 
without  one  cent  of  cost  to  the  tax-payers  of  the  State.  This 
law  was  pased  by  the  legislature  of  1897,  but  the  effect  of  the 
law  on  the  schools  of  the  State  was  not  felt  until  the  follow- 
ing year,  1898.  Supt.  Mebane's  Report,  on  page  159,  and 
Supt.  Joyner's  Report,  on  page  339,  sow  that  the  school  term 
of  the  state  in  one  year,  from  1897  to  1898,  made  this  re- 
markable increase.  To  show  that  increase  was  entirely  due 
to  the  repeal  of  the  old  school  law  and  the  enactment  of  a 
new  law  the  above  reports  on  the  pages  cited  show  that  the 
school  term  had  not  increased  prior  thereto,  notwithstanding 
the  successive  legislatures  during  this  period  had  increased 
the  rate  of  taxation  for  public  schools  form  12  1-2  to  18 
cents  on  property,  making  about  50  per  cent,  increase  in 
tax. 


45 

The  Legislature  of  1899  was  a  Democratic  Legislature  and 
they  amended  the  school  alw,  appointed  their  own  Board  of 
Education  and  school  Committeemen,  and  made  an  appro- 
priation of  $100,000  for  public  schools,  and  promsied  the 
people  to  thereby  provide  for  them  a  four  month's  school. 
What  was  the  result?  The  reports  of  the  State  Superin- 
tendents, on  pages  cited  above,  show  that  the  white  schools 
of  the  State  did  not  increase  a  day  by  this  extra  appropria- 
tion, and  the  colored  schools  only  about  one  hour.  Think  of 
it!  The  negro  schools  apparently  got  all  of  this  $100,000  in 
1899,  and  for  that  only  one  hour  extra  school  term  for  the 
entire  year!  In  1899  it  cost  about  $13,000  to  run  the  white 
and  colored  schools  in  the  State  for  one  day,  and  for  this 
extra  $100,000  the  school  term  for  both  should  have  increased 
one  and  one-half  weeks,  but  the  reports  show  only  one  hour 
increase  for  the  negro  schools,  and  no  increase  whatever  for 
the  white  schools ! 

The  same  reports  show  that  the  tax-payers  of  the  State 
were  required  to  pay  $134,795.98  more  for  public  schools  in 
1900  than  in  the  year  1899.  See  Mebane's  Report,  pp.  157 
and  Joyner's  Report,  page  337;  and  these  same  reports  show 
on  pages  159  and  339  respectively,  that  this  enormous  sum  in- 
creased the  length  of  the  white  schools  three  days  and  the  col- 
ored schools  about  one  and  one-fourth  days,  making  te  average 
cost  of  one  day's  school  for  both  races  about  $63,433.34.  If 
the  money  had  been  wisely  and  judiciously  expended,  it 
should  have  not  cost  more  than  $13,000  per  day.  What  be- 
came of  this  money,  we  are  unable  to  explain.  Another 
strange  fact  shown  in  the  report  of  Supt.  Joyner,  on  page 
338,  is,  that  the  average  attendance  of  the  children  in  the 
public  schools  of  the  state  in  1898  was  greater  than  in  1900. 
The  exact  number  is  6,322.  Think  of  it— 6,322  fewer  child- 
ren in  average  attendance  in  the  public  schools  in  the  state 
in  1900  than  in  1898,  not  withstanding  the  increase  in  pop- 
ulation and  with  the  increase  of  100,000  in  appropriation. 

Supt.  Joyner's  Report  on  page  337,  shows  that  $588,389.38 
more  money  was  put  in  the  public  schools  during  the  year  of 
1902  than  there  was  in  1899,  yet  the  school  terms  for  white 
schools  in  1902  was  only  two  and  two-fifths  longer  than  in 
1899.  Estimating  the  cost  of  the  public  schools  at  $13,000 
for  one  day,  this  enormous  increase  in  the  school  fund  should 
have  increased  the  school  term  nine  weeks — thereby  giving  us 


46 
a  six-months'  school  term  in  1902  throughout  the  state,  in- 
stead of  a  four-months  term  as  we  now  have. 

The  school  term  in  1898  was  two  and  one-third  weeks 
longer  than  in  1897,  without  increasing  the  rate  of  taxation 
or  appropriating  an  extra  dollar  for  schools.  This  was  done 
by  the  Fusion  Legislature  of  1897,  who  gave  North  Carolina 
the  best  school  law  of  any  Sstate  in  the  South,  and  if  that 
law  had  not  been  tampered  with  by  subsequent  Democratic 
Legislatures,  North  Carolina  to-day  would  have  had  a  four 
months  school  term  without  an  extra  dollar  of  appropriation, 
and  North  Carolina  would  have  saved  its  credit  and  over 
one-half  million  dollars  in  money. 

Now  as  the  Democratic  charge  that,  "Fusion  rule  checked 
educational  progress."  The  school  law  of  1897  was  endorsed 
by  every  prominent  educator  in  North  Carolina,  and  the 
Teachers  Assembly  of  1897,  gave  the  law  their  hearty  ap- 
proval, and  it  was  favorably  commented  upon  by  the  Press 
Association  of  the  state,  which  met  at  Morehead  City  that 
Summer.  The  law  gave  North  Carolina  the  greatest  edu- 
cational impetus  it  has  had  since  the  Civil  War.  The  Legis- 
lature of  1899,  did  not  dare  to  repeal  that  law,  but  tried  to  do 
so,  but  were  prevented  by  the  leading  educators  of  the  state. 
They  did  amend  the  law  and  thereby  weakened  its  effective- 
ness. Chairman  Simmons  said  in  his  Handbook  for  1904 
and  circulars,  as  quoted  above,  that,  "That  law  caused  a 
decided  decrease  in  the  enrollment  and  attendance  of  the 
white  schools."  Let  us  see  what  Supt.  Joyner's  Report,  on 
page  338,  shows:  The  enrollment  in  the  white  schools  in 
1898  were  261,223  children,  in  1899  it  was  only  $260,217,  or  .a 
falling  off  of  1,006  white  children.  Taking  all  the  schools  there 
was  a  falling  off  in  enrollment  in  1899  of  8,759  children  in  the 
public  schools.  The  average  attendance  was  even  worse. 
There  werel44,345  white  children  in  1898  and  only  140,162 
white  children  in  1899,  making  a  difference  of  4,184,  and  in 
1900  there  were  6,322  fewer  children  in  average  attendance 
than  in  1898.  The  Democratic  school  law,  prior  to  1897,  had 
in  office  7,620  negro  school  committeemen,  who  had  the  dis- 
pensing of  nearly  one  half  of  the  school  fund  of  the  State. 
The  school  law  of  1897  removed  from  office  over  7,000  of 
these  negro  committeemen,  leaving  the  others  for  the  purpose 
only  of  taking  the  census  of  the  negro  children.  Only  one 
negro  committeemen  was  left  in  each  township  so  that  white 
men  would  not  be  required  to  take  the  census  of  the  negro 


47 
children.  Prior  to  the  Fusion  law  of  1897  the  negroes  had 
entire  control  of  all  the  negro  schools  and  had  the  disbursing 
of  their  part  of  the  school  fund,  which  often  resulted  in  ex- 
travagance and  corruption.  The  fusion  law  of  1897  placed 
the  entire  control  of  both  white  and  colored  schools  in  the 
hands  of  competent  white  men,  leaving  only  one  negro  com- 
mitteeman in  each  township  to  take  the  census  of  the  schools 
of  his  race.  This  change  in  the  school  law  by  adopting  the 
township  system,  and  by  grading  the  schools  and  placing  in 
-charge  fewer,  but  more  intelligent  school  officials,  gave  North 
Carolina  two  and  one-third  weeks  longer  school  term  without 
extra  tax  or  cost,  and  saved  the  tax-payers  of  the  state  more 
than  one  half  million  dollars  annually.  From  1885  to  1897 
the  school  term  in  the  state  did  not  increase  one  day  under 
Democratic  administration  but  the  rate  of  taxation  for  pub- 
lic schools  did  increase  50  per  cent.  From  1897  to  1900,  with- 
out any  increase  in  tax  the  school  term  increased  two  and  one- 
third  weeks.  Since  1900  the  Democrats  have  more  than 
doubled  the  school  fund  and  yet  the  school  term  has  not  in- 
creased any  more  than  it  did  under  the  Fusion  administra- 
tion without  a  dollar  extra  tax,  and  to  show  the  condition  of 
education  in  North  Carolina  to-day  we  have  only  to  examine 
the  last  annual  reports  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor  and  Print- 
ing on  pages  20,  21  &  22,  showing  the  educational  and  moral 
condition  of  the  various  counties  of  the  state.  Commissioner 
Varner's  Report  of  1905,  on  the  pages  named  states  that  the 
educational  condition  in  48  counties  in  the  state  is  "Poor" 
and  in  five  counties  it  is  "Bad"  and  in  34  of  the  balance  it 
is  only  "Fair".  In  his  report  for  1904,  on  page  22,  he  states 
that  the  educational  condition  in  thirty  four  counties  is 
"Farir"  and  in  forty  nine  counties  "Poor",  but  does  not 
state  that  it  is  "Bad"  in  any  county,  therefore  the  education- 
al conditon  seeems  to  have  gone  backward  from  1904  to  1905, 
yet  the  available  school  fund  in  1905  was  $307,213.98,  more 
than  it  was  in  1904. 

The  conditions  have  never  been  so  favorable  for  education- 
al progress  in  the  state  than  for  the  past  few  years,  and  never 
was  so  enormous  a  sum  expended  for  public  education,  yet, 
never  has  such  a  poor  showing  been  made  with  the  oppor- 
tunities given,  than  the  one  made  by  the  party  now  in  power. 
With  105,004  children  in  the  state  between  the  age  of  ten 
and  twenty  years  who  cannot  read  and  write  with  overl20,000 
males  of  voting  age  who  are  still  illiterate,  and  the  consti- 


48 
tutional  amendment  to  become  operative  in  1908,  there  is 
going  to  be  trouble  ahead  for  the  democratic  party,  who  is 
responsible  for  this  condition  and  is  wasting  the  people's 
money  without  giving  any  substantial  relief.  If  Commis- 
sioner Varner's  Reports  are  true  the  condition  is  growing- 
worse  instead  of  better.  If  the  people  are  wise  they  will 
demand  a  change  and  place  those  men  in  power  who  saved  the 
people's  taxes  and  increased  their  school  term  by  honest  and 
economical  managment  when  they  hal  charge  of  our  school 
affairs. 

The  Republican  party  is  the  pioneer  in  educational  re- 
form in  North  Carolina,  and  the  official  records  of  the  State 
will  verify  this  statement. 

Don't  try  to  falsify  the  records  Brother  Democrat;  you  had 
better  lose  the  State  than  public  confidence  and  your  own 
self  respect.  The  records  speak  the  truth.  Read  the  records 
and  you  will  verify  all  I  have  said. 


HOW  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  INCREASED  THE 
SCHOOL  TERM  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA  TWO  AND 
ONE-THIRD  WEEKS  WITHOUT  AN  EXTRA 
DOLLAR  OF  TAXATION. 


HOW  IT  HAS  COST  THE  STATE  OVER  ONE  MILLION  DOL- 
LARS ANNUALLY  TO  GIVE  THE  SAME  RESULTS  BY 
THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

The  Democartic  party  returned  to  power  in  the  State  in 
1900,  and  since  then  has  had  complete  control  of  the  state 
government,  and  this  party  bases  its  claims  for  a  continuation 
of  this  control  upon  their  educational  policy  and  the  wonder- 
ful growth  of  the  public  schools  under  their  administration ! 
Since  1897,  the  public  term  in  the  state  has  increased  a  little 
more  than  four  weeks,  and  one  half  of  this  increase  was  due 
entirely  to  school  legislation  of  the  Republicans  and  Populists 
in  the  Legislature  of  1897,  and  the  other  half  of  this  increase 
is  due  to  the  school  legislation  by  the  democrats  since  1900. 

Now  let  us  compare  the  methods  employed  by  the  Repub- 
licans and  Populists  to  increase  the  school  term,  with  the 
methods  employed  by  the  Democrats.  The  Legislature  of 
1897  found  that  the  Democrats  since  1888,  had  increased  the 
rate  of  taxation  for  public  schools  50%,  but  they  had  not  in- 


49 

creased  the  school  term  during  this  period  one  hour,  but  to  the 
contrary  the  school  term  in  1896  was  two  days  shorter  than 
in  1888.  This  was  on  account  of  poor  management  under  an 
antiquated  school  law.  In  1897  when  the  Republicans  and 
Populists  turned  their  attention  to  the  school  legislation,  they 
abolished  this  antiquated  school  system,  under  which  the 
Democrats  had  operated,  and  passed  a  modern,  up-to-date 
school  law,  displaced  a  hoard  of  incompetent  school  officials, 
put  a  stop  to  the  drains  and  losses  in  our  school  fund  by  in- 
competency and  bad  management,  and  thereby  put  new  life 
and  vigor  in  our  public  schools,  which  resulted  in  a  genuine 
educational  revival  all  over  the  state.  The  result  was  that 
our  school  term  in  1898,  increased  two  weeks,  without  an  extra 
dollar  of  tax  or  any  extra  appropriations.  By  wise  legislation 
we  did  in  one  year  what  our  Democratic  friends  had  failed 
to  do  in  a  decade  prior  thereto,  yet  they  had  increased  the  tax 
50  per  cent.  When  the  democrats  returned  to  power  in 
1900,  they  at  once  began  to  tamper  wth  the  school  law  that 
we  had  put  inoperation,  and  in  a  great  measure  lessened  its 
effectiveness.  They  elected  what  they  cvalled  an  educational 
Governor,  and  for  four  years  from  1900  to  1904,  attempted 
a  campaign  of  education  in  the  state.  Having  passed  a  con- 
stitutional amendment  to  disfranchise  the  illiterate  whites  and 
blacks  after  1908,  by  an  educational  qualification,  they 
pledged  the  people  that  all  the  children  of  the  state  should  be 
educated.  This  pledge  to  the  people,  if  it  had  been  sincere,. 
and  if  their  efforts  had  been  properly  directed,  would  have 
been  commendable,  but  let  us  look  at  the  results. 

There  are  in  North  Carolina  295,000  white  males  of  voting 
age  and  125,000  colored  males  of  voting  age,  making  a  total 
of  420,000  of  both  white  and  colored  of  voting  age  in  the  state. 
Of  ths  number  there  are  approximately  52,000  white  voters, 
and  68,000  colored  voters  who  cannot  read  and  write.  There 
are  in  the  state  male  illiterates  ten  years  of  age  and  over 
175,000,  and  female  illiterates  ten  years  of  age  and  over 
200,000,  making  a  total  of  375,000  people  in  the  state  over 
ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read  and  wriate.  They  have 
not,  and  now  cannot,  fulfil  their  pledge  to  the  people  to  qual- 
ify these  illiterates  for  the  election  franchise  by  1908. 

But  let  us  revert  to  their  school  legislation.  We  have 
said  that  the  Republicans  and  Populists  revised  the  school 
law  in  1897  and  gave  the  state  thereby  an  extra  two  and  one 
third  weeks  term  of  school  without  any  cost  tothe  state,  but 


50 
to  the  contrary  at  a  great  saving  of  expense  to  thestate  by 
abolishing  at  least  15,000  unnecessary  and.  incompetent  school 
committeemen  and  other  useless  officials.  /""Since  the  Demo- 
cratic party  returned  to  power  in  the  state  they  have  in- 
creased, the  school  term  two  and  one-third  weeks,  but  this  in- 
crease has  been  a  tremendous  cost  to  the  state.  Let  us  com- 
pare the  figures.  In  1898  the  school  fund,  was  in  round  num- 
bers $988,000  and  the  school  term  was  a  fraction  over  11 
weeks.  In  1901  the  total  available  school  fund  all  sources, 
including  local  taxes,  bonds,  loans,  and  state  appropriations 
amounted  to  $2,308,728.98,  and  the  school  term  was  only  17 
weeks.  It  will  be  seen  from  these  figures  that  the  school  fund 
has  been  more  than  doubled,  and.  should,  have  given  us  at 
least  36  weeks  school  term,  or  nine  months  in  every  district 
in  the  state,  but  instead  of  that  in  many  counties  now  we 
have  not  given  the  constitutional  requirements  of  a  four 
months  school  term? 

In  1900  when  Mr.  Aycock  was  elected  governor  theschool 
fund  was  in  round  numbers  $1,031,000,  and  the  school  term 
11  2-3  weeks.  In  1904,  as  we  have  just  shown  the  fund  was 
$2,308,728.98,  and  the  school  term  just  17  weeks,  or  an  in- 
crease of  2  1-3  weeks,  which  is  exactly  the  same  increase  we 
made  from  1897  to  1900,  under  a  Republican  administration 
without  an  extra  dollar  of  money.  Could  any  figures  be 
more  startling  than  these?  Is  it  not  strange  that  the  Demo- 
cartic  officials  and  a  Democratic  press  should  parade  to  the 
world  the  wonderful  strides  this  stale  has  made  in  education 
under  Democratic  rule,  with  such  figures  as  these  gathered 
from  the  official  reports  of  the  State  Superintendent? 

They  base  their  claims  on  carrying  the  state  in  the  coming 
election  largely  upon  their  record  on  public  education.  If 
this  be  the  issue,  we  will  willingly  accept  it,  and  will  meet 
them  before  the  tax-payers  of  the  state,  and  exhibit  this  record 
and  will  rely  confidently  upon  their  verdict  at  the  polls. 
We  have  no  school  statistics  since  1904,  for  the  State  Super- 
intendent's last  report  was  filed  at  the  end  of  1904,  and  no 
other  report  has  been  filed  by  him  since,  hence  all  our  compar- 
isons and  figures  are  from  the  report  of  1904.  From  this 
report  the  amount  raised  annually  from  local  taxation  for 
schools  is  $388,141.33.  From  loans  and  bonds  $138,521.05. 
From  the  annual  appropriation  from  the  State  Treasury 
$200,566.65.  The  increase  in  the  amount  of  property  in  the 
state,  and  the  higher  assessment  of  the  property  has  greatly 


51 

increased  the  general  school  fund  in  the  state,  until  the  sum 
total  for  school  purposes  are  nearly  three  times  the  amount 
which  was  available  when  we  were  in  power  in  the  state, 
yet  with  all  this  increase  from  taxable  property  in  the 
state,  from  higher  assessments  of  property,  from  local  tax- 
ation, from  loans  and  the  sale  of  bonds,  from  the  annual  ap- 
propriation of  more  thau  $200,000.00,  making  a  total  increase 
since  1898  of  $1,320,728.98,  and  yet  the  school  term  has  not 
increased  a  day  more  than  it  did  from  1897  to  1900,  under 
a  Republican  administration,  without  any  increase  in  taxa- 
tion, or  an  extra  dollar  appropriation  from  the  State  Treas- 
ury. This  is  a  true  record  and  can  be  found  by  an  examina- 
tion of  the  bi-ennial  report  of  the  State  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instructions.  If  their  record  on  public  education  in 
North  Carolina,  either  since  1900,  or  any  time  prior  thereto, 
be  an  issue  of  the  Democratic  party  in  this  campaign,  then  we 
accept  the  issue  and  challenge  them  to  meet  us  in  its  de- 
fense before  the  people. 

LARGE  cANNUAL  APPROPRIATIONS  FOR 
PUBLIC  SCHOOLS,  BUT  LITTLE 
BENEFIT  DERIVED  THEREFROM. 

A  State  System  Needed  and  Not  a  County  System. 


Extravagance  and  Incompetency  of  County  School  Officials. 


School  Facilities  Should  be  Uniform  Throughout  the  State. 


Article  IX,  Sec.  2,  of  the  Constitution  of  North  Carolina 
provides  for  "A  general  and  uniform  system  of  public 
schools,  wherein  tuition  shall  be  free  of  charge  to  all  the  chil- 
dren of  the  state  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty-one 
years. ' '  The  spirit  as  well  as  the  words  of  this  section  of  our 
State  Constitution  calls  for  a  general  and  uniform  system 
of  public  schools,  which  evidently  means  a  "State  System" 
and  not  a  ' '  County  System ' '  which  we  now  have  in  operation 
in  North  Carolina.  Every  child  in  the  state,  regardless  of 
the  section  or  county  in  which  he  may  live,  pays  the  same  rate 
of  taxation  for  general  school  purposes,  and  should  have  the 
same  school  advantages  with  every  other  child  in  the  state. 
This  is  the  spirit  of  the  law  and  was  undoubtedly  the  purpose 
of  the  framers  of  our  State  Constitution.     The  system  in  op- 


52 

eration  in  North  Carolina  to-day  is  not  "general  and  uni- 
form," but  is  a  County  System,  ranging  from  nine  months 
school  term  in  some  counties  with  well  ventilated,  well  equip- 
ped school  houses  with  one  or  more  proficient  and  trained 
teachers,  to  a  three  months  school  term  in  other  counties  with 
poorly  equipped  teachers  on  a  meager  salary,  teaching  in  a 
log  school  house,  poorly  heated,  seated  with  wooden  benches, 
and  without  maps  or  charts  or  any  of  the  necessary  equip- 
ments, conveniences  or  comforts  required  for  satisfactory 
work. 

Much  needed  legislation  is  required  to  remedy  this  ine- 
quality in  educational  advantages,  and  this  can  be  done  with- 
out any  change  in  our  original  law,  but  simply  by  complying 
with  its  plain  and  unmistakable  terms.  This  condition  can 
be  changed  and  the  Constitution  complied  with  by  giving  each 
child  in  the  state  the  same  per  capita  appropriation  of  the 
entire  school  fund  of  the  state.  This  inequality  in  school 
advantages  cannot  be  cured  or  even  improved  by  the  annual 
appropriation  of  $100,000.00  out  of  the  State  Treasury,  which 
is  now  distributed  per  capita  to  each  of  the  counties.  This 
appropriation  undoubtedly  aids  the  schools,  and  in  a  slight 
degree  lengthens  the  school  term  in  the  state,  yet  the  larger 
counties  get  more  of  this  fund  than  the  smaller  and  weaker 
counties,  and  instead  of  lessening  the  inequality  in  the  short 
term  over  the  state,  it  has  a  tendency  to  increase  this  in- 
equality. To  illustrate,  we  have  selected  from  the  report 
of  the  State  Superintendent  the  amount  paid  out  of  this  fund 
from  the  State  Treasury  for  1905,  for  a  few  selected  counties : 

"Wake  County  received    $2,816.71 

Mecklenburg  County  received   $2,747.49 

Guilford  County  received    $2,232.30 

Buncombe  County  received   $2,232.30 

Robeson  County  received   $2,172.00 

Jones  County  received    $    414.04 

Dare   County  received    $    242.80 

Clay  County  received $    238.52 

Onslow   County   received    $    610.27 

Tyrrell  County  received $    257.00 

This  money  of  course  is  apportioned  upon  a  per  capita 
basis  and  therefore  the  last  named  counties  get  less  of  tbis 
$100,000.00  than  the  larger  counties,  but  these  larger  coun- 
ties already  have  more  than  a  four  months  term  without  any 
of  this  appropriation,  and  some  of  them  have  as  much  as  an 


53 

eight  months  school  term  without  any  state  aid,  yet  the 
smaller  and  weaker  counties  do  not  have  the  constitutional 
requirements  of  a  four  months  school  term  without  this  aid, 
and  the  amount  apportioned  to  them  from  this  fund  is  so 
small,  they  fail  to  get  the  four  months  term  with  it.  The 
apportionment  of  the  greater  part  of  this  fund  to  the  coun- 
ties having  already  a  six  or  eight  months  school  term  is  use- 
less, and  gives  them  more  money  than  they  need  or  require 
and  widens  instead  of  lessening  the  inequality  of  school 
advantages  over  the  state.  The  second  $100,000.00  annual 
appropriation  from  the  State  Treasury  was  intended  to  cure 
this  inequality  in  the  school  term  among  the  various  coun- 
ties, but  the  expenditure  of  this  second  large  annual  appro- 
priation from  our  depleted  State  Treasury  has  utterly  failed 
in  this  purpose,  and  at  the  same  time  has  led  to  fraud  and 
extravagance  in  the  expenditure  of  the  school  fund  and  in  the 
salary  and  expenditures  of  the  school  officials. 

When  this  second  $100,000.00  appropriation  was  made  the 
State  Superintendent  was  directed  to  expend  it  entirely  in 
those  counties  not  having  a  four  months  school  term,  and 
to  be  so  expended  as  to  give  each  County  a  term  of  four 
months.  Thereupon  the  State  Superintendent  called  upon 
the  various  county  officials  to  furnish  him  a  statement  of  the 
amount  required  to  supplement  their  County  school  fund  in 
order  to  give  them  the  four  months  term.  We  have  select- 
ed a  few  counties  from  the  list  that  applied  for  state  aid  to 
show  how  this  plan  has  operated: 

Alleghany  County  in  1902  asked  for  $1,771.56.  In  1904, 
$2,783.43,  and  in  1905,  $3,499.27.  Bladen  County  in  1902, 
asked  for  $1,686.17,  in  1904,  $3,342.38,  in  1905,  $4,172.10. 
Caldwell  County  in  1902,  asked  for  $937.16,  in  1904,  $2,- 
037.09,  in  1905,  $2,419.91.  Carteret  in  1902,  $515.50,  in 
1905,  $2,417.00.',  Craven  in  1902  and  1904,  nothing.  In 
1905,  $675.35.  Cumberland  in  1902,  $1,182.74,  in  1905,  $4,- 
396.00.  Hyde  in  1902,  $538.54,  in  1905,  $2,227.00.  Iredell 
in  1902,  $350.00,  in  1904,  nothing,  in  1905,  $3,064.59.  Jack- 
son in  1902,  $423.60,  in  1905,  $2,361.00.  Northampton  in 
1902,  $394.00,  in  1905,  $1,006.00.  Union  in  1902,  $1,798.00, 
in  1905,  $2,810.00.  Tyrrell  in  1902,  $232.97,  in  1905,  $905.25. 
Watauga  in  1902,  $1,295.00,  in  1905,  $2,391.00.  Wilkes  in 
1902,  $2,092.00,  in  1905,  $4,985.00. 

There  are  a  few  counties  in  the  State  that  do  not  ask  for 
State  aid,  and  there  are  also  some  that  have  not  made  any  in- 


54 
crease  in  their  demands,  but  the  majority  of  the  counties  have 
and  the  above  counties  are  selected  indiscriminately  from  the 
list,  and  show  that  each  year  they  are  making:  greater  demands 
from  the  State  Treasury  in  order  to  carry  their  schools  four 
months.  This  notwithstanding  that  there  has  been  a  steady 
increase  in  the  taxable  property  in  these  counties,  and  also 
an  increase  in  valuation  of  the  taxable  assessors,  and  not- 
withstanding local  taxation  in  many  of  these  counties.  The 
entire  list  of  the  counties  in  the  State  showing  the  amount 
they  are  drawing  from  our  State  Treasury,  in  addition  to 
their  per  capita  part  of  the  first  $100,00  appropriation  paid 
to  them,  would  furnish  interesting  information,  but  space 
forbids  to  give  the  entire  list. 

This  steady  increase  in  their  demands  upon  the  treasury, 
as  shown  above,  shows  either  fraud,  incompetency,  extravig- 
ance  or  bad  management.  No  doubt  in  many  instances  it 
show  all  four  of  these  defects.  We  are  glad  to  say  that  none 
of  this  fraud,  corruption,  incompetency  and  bad  manage- 
ment can  be  laid  at  the  door  of  any  republican  school  official 
in  this  list  of  counties,  for  while  republican  cunties  appear 
in  the  list,  and  counties  with  large  white  majorities,  yet  by 
virtue  of  a  miserable  appointive  system  forced  upon  the 
State  by  a  democratic  machine,  there  is  not,  in  the  knowledge 
of  this  writer,  a  republican  school  official  in  North  Carolina, 
therefore  whatever  fraud  and  incompetency  that  exist  in  our 
school  machinery,  is  democratic  fraud  and  incompetency,  and 
they  cannot  escape  the  charge.  The  method  by  which  this 
last  $100,000.00  is  expended  is  a  farce  and  a  fraud,  and  this 
is  fully  known  by  the  higher  school  officials  in  the  State,  and 
when  their  attention  was  called  to  it  by  certain  republican 
members  of  the  last  legislature  they  admitted  something  was 
wrong,  but  would  not  lend  their  aid  to  suggest  a  change,  and 
used  their  influence  against  a  measure  introduced  by  a  re- 
publican member  of  the  last  legislature,  which  was  designed 
to  remedy  this  evil  and  prevent  these  fraudulent  demands 
upon  our  State  Treasury.  These  increased  demands  upon  the 
State  Treasury  cannot  be  for  legitimate  purposes,  but  the  coun- 
ties see  that  nothing  is  saved  by  not  making  these  demands 
on  the  treasury,  which  encourage  extravagance  in  the  salary 
and  expenditures  of  the  county  school  officials,  which  are  now- 
more  than  twice  what  they  were  prior  to  1900,  and  these 
officials  are  the  chief  beneficiaries  of  this  annual  drain  upon 


55 

school  fund,  and  not  the  school  children  for  whom  this  annual 
papropriation  was  made. 

PLATFORM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

1904.     ALSO  THE  DEMOCRATIC  RECORD 

ON  THE  GOLD  STANDARD  ACT  OF  1900 

Adopted  by  National  Convention  at  Cliicago  June  22,  1904. 

Fifty  years  ago  the  Republican  party  came  into  existence 
dedicated  among  other,  purposes  to  the  great  task  of  arresting 
the  extension  of  human  slavery.  In  1860  it  elected  its  first 
President.  During  24  of  the  44  years  which  have  elapsed 
since  the  election  of  Lincoln  the  Republican  party  has  held 
complete  control  of  the  government.  For  18  more  of  the  44 
years  it  has  held  partial  control  through  the  possession  of  one 
or  two  branches  of  the  government,  while  the  Democratic 
party  during  the  same  period  has  had  complete  control  for 
only  2  years.  This  long  tenue  of  power  by  the  Republican  party 
is  not  due  to  chance.  It  is  a  demonstration  that  the  Re- . 
publican  party  has  commanded  the  confidence  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  for  nearly  two  generations  to  a  degree  never 
equalled  in  our  history,  and  has  displayed  a  high  capacity  for 
rule  and  government  which  has  been  made  even  more  con- 
spicuous by  the  incapacity  and  infirmity  of  purpose  shown  by 
its  opponents. 

Conditions  in  1897. 

The  Republican  party  entered  upon  its  present  period  of 
complete  supremacy  in  1897.  We  have  every  right  to  con- 
gratulate ourselves  upon  the  work  since  then  accomplished, 
for  it  has  added  luster  even  to  the  traditions  of  the  party 
which  carried  the  government  through  the  storms  of  civil 
war. 

We  then  found  the  country  after  four  years  of  Democratic 
rule  in  evil  plight,  oppressed  with  misfortune  and  doubtful 
of  the  future.  Public  credit  had  been  lowered,  the  revenues 
were  declining,  the  debt  was  growing,  the  administration's 
attitude  toward  Spain  was  feeble  and  mortifying,  the  stand- 
ard of  values  was  threatened  and  uncertain,  labor  was  un- 
employed, business  was  sunk  in  the  depression  which  had 
succeeded  the  panic  of  1893,  hope  was  faint  and  confidence 
was  gone. 

We  met  these  unhappy  conditions  vigorously,  effectively, 
and  at  once. 


56 

The  Tariff  Law. 

We  replaced  a  Democratic  tariff  law  based  on  free  trade 
principles  and  garnished  with  sectional  protection  by  a  con- 
sistent protective  tariff,  and  industry,  freed  from  oppression 
and  stimulated  by  the  encouragement  of  wise  laws,  has  ex- 
panded to  a  degree  never  before  known,  has  conquered  new 
markets,  and  has  created  a  volume  of  exports  which  has  sur- 
passed imagination.  Under  the  Dingley  tariff  labor  has 
been  fully  employed,  wages  have  risen  and  all  industries  have 
revived  and  prospered. 

We  firmly  established  the  gold  standard  which  was  then 
menaced  with  destruction.     Confidence  returned  to  business, 
and  with  confidence  an  unexampled  prosperity. 
.  .Revenues. 

For  deficient  revenues,  supplemented  by  improvident  issues 
of  bonds,  we  gave  the  country  an  income  which  produced  a 
large  surplus  and  which  enabled  us  only  four  years  after  the 
Spanish  war  had  closed  to  remove  over  $100,000,000  of  annual 
war  taxes,  reduce  the  public  debt,  and  lower  the  interest 
charges  of  the  government. 

The  public  Credit  Restored. 

The  public  credit,  which  had  been  so  lowered  that  in 
time  of  peace  a  Democratic  administration  made  large  loans 
at  extravagant  rates  of  interest  in  order  to  pay  current  ex- 
penditures, rose  under  Republican  administration  to  its  high- 
est point  and  enabled  us  to  borrow  at  2  per  cent,  even  in  time 
of  war. 

Cuba. 

We  refused  to  palter  longer  with  the  miseries  of  Cuba.  We 
fought  a  quick  and  victorious  war  with  Spain.  We  set 
Cuba  free,  governed  the  island  for  three  years,  and  then  gave 
it  to  the  Cuban  people  with  order  restored,  with  ample 
revenues,  with  education  and  public  health  established,  free 
from  debt,  and  connected  with  the  United  States  by  wise 
provisions  for  our  mutual  interests. 

Porto  Rico. 

We  have  organized  the  government  of  Porto  Rico,  and  its 
people  now  enjoy  peace,  freedom,  order,  and  prosperity. 
The  Philippines. 

In  the  Philippines  we  have  suppressed  insurrection,  es- 
tablished order,  and  given  to  life  and  property  a  security 
never  known  there  before.  We  have  organized  civil  govern- 
ment, made  it  effective  and  strong  in  administration,   and 


57 

nave  conferred  upon  the  people  of  those  islands  the  largest 
civil  liberty  they  have  ever  enjoyed. 

By  our  possession  of  the  Philipines  we  were  enabled  to 
take  prompt  and  effective  action  in  the  relief  of  the  legations 
at   Peking  and   a   decisive  part  in  preventing  the  partition 
and  preserving  the  intergrity  of  China. 
The  Isthmian  Canal. 

The  possession  of  a  route  for  an  isthmian  canal,  so  long  the 
dream  of  American  statesmanship  is  now  an  accomplihed 
fact.  The  great  work  of  connecting  the  Pacific  and  At- 
lantic by  a  canal  is  at  last  begun,  and  it  is  due  to  the  Re- 
publican party. 

The  Arid  Lands. 

We  have  passed  the  laws  which  will  bring  the  arid  lands 
of  the  United  States  within  the  area  of  cultivation. 
The  Army  and  Navy. 

We  have  reorganized  the  army  and  put  it  in  the  highest 
state  of  efficiency. 

We  have  passed  laws  for  the  improvement  and  support  of 
the  militia. 

We  have  pushed  forward  the  building  of  the  navy,  the 
defense  and  protection  of  our  honor  and  our  interests. 

Our  administration  of  the  great  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment has  been  honest  and  efficient,  and  wherever  wrongdoing 
has  been  discovered  the  Republican  administration  has  not 
hesitated  to  probe  the  evil  and  bring  offenders  to  justice  with- 
out regard  to  party  or  political  ties. 

The  Great  Corporations. 

Laws  enacted  by  the  Republican  party  which  the  Demo- 
cratic party  failed  to  enforce  and  which  were  intended  for  the 
protection  of  the  public  against  the  unjust  discrimination  or 
the  illegal  encroachment  of  vast  aggregations  of  capital,  have 
heen  fearlessly  enforced  by  a  Republican  President  and  new 
laws  insuring  reasonable  publicity  as  to  the  operations  of 
great  corporations,  and  providing  additional  remedies  for  the 
prevention  of  discrimination  in  freight  rates,  have  been  pass- 
ed by  a  Republican  Congress. 

In  this  record  of  achievement  during  the  past  eight  years 
may  be  read  the  pledges  which  the  Republican  party  has 
fulfilled.     We    promise    to    continue    these    policies,    and   we 
declare  our  constant  adherence  to  the  following  principles: 
Protection  to  American  Industries. 

Protection   which  guards   and   develops   our   industries,   is 


58 
a  cardinal  policy  of  the  Republican  party.  The  measure  of 
protection  should  always  at  least  equal  the  difference  in  the 
cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad.  We  insist  upon  the 
maintain  aiiee  of  the  principle  of  protection,  and,  therefore, 
rates  of  duty  should  be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  hav 
,->u  cnanged  that  the  public  interest  demands  their  alteration 
but  this  work  cannot  safely  be  committed  to  any  other  hands 
than  those  of  the  Republican  party.  To  intrust  it  to  the 
Democratic  party  is  to  invite  disaster.  Whether,  as  in  1892 
the  Democratic  party  declares  the  protective  tariffunconsti- 
tutional,  or  whether  it  demands  tariff  reform  or  tariff  revis- 
ion, its  real  object  is  always  the  destruction  of  the  protective 
system.  However  specious  the  name  the  purpose  is  ever  the 
same.  A  Democratic  tariff  has  always  been  followed  by  busi- 
ness adversity ;  a  Republican  tariff  by  business  prosperity. 
To  a  Republican  Congress  and  a  Republican  President  this 
great  question  can  be  safely  intrusted.  AVhen  the  only  free 
trade  country  among  the  great  nations  agitates  a  return  to 
protection  the  chief  protective  country  should  not  falter  in 
maintaining  it. 

Foreign  Markets  Extended. 

We  have  extended  widely  our  foreign  markets,  and  we 
believe  in  the  adoption  of  all  practicable  methods  for  their 
further  extension,  including  commercial  reciprocity  wherever 
reciprocal  arrangements  can  be  effected  consistent  with  the 
principles  of  protection  and  without  injury  to  American 
agriculture,  American  labor,  or  any  American  industry. 
The  Gold  Standard. 

We  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  theRepublican  party  to  up- 
hold the  gold  standard  and  the  intergrity  and  value  of  our 
national  currency.  The  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,, 
established  by  the  Republican  party,  cannot  safely  be  com- 
mitted to  the  Democratic  party,  which  resisted  its  adoption 
and  has  never  given  any  proof  since  that  time  of  belief  in  it 
or  fidelity  to  it. 

American  Shipping 

While  every  other  industry  has  prospered  under  the  foster- 
ing aid  of  Republican  legislation,  American  shipping  en- 
gaged in  foreign  trade  in  competition  with  the  low  cost  of 
construction,  low  wrages,  and  heavy  subsidies  of  foreign  gov- 
ernments, has  not  for  many  years  received  encouragement  of 
any  kind.  We  therefore  favor  legislation  which 
will  encourage  and  build  up  the  American  merchant  marine, 


59 

and  we  cordially  approve  the  legislation  of  the  last  Congress 
which  created  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  to  investi- 
gate and  report  upon  this  subject. 

A  navy  powerful  enough  to  defend  the  United  States  against 
an  attack,  to  uphold  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  watch  over 
our  commerce,  is  essential  for  the  safety  and  the  welfare  of 
the  American  people.  To  maintain  such  a  navy  is  the  fixed 
policy  of  the  Republican  party. 

Chinese  Labor. 

We  cordially  aprove  the  attitude  of  President  Roosevelt 
and  Congress  in  regard  to  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  labor,  and 
promise  a  continuance  of  the  Republican  policy  in  that  dir- 
ection. 

Civil   Service. 

The  civil-service  law  was  placed  on  the  statue  books  by  the 
Republican  party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  re- 
new our  former  declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and 
honestly   enforced. 

The  Soldiers  and  Sailors. 

We  are  always  mindful  of  the  country's  debt  to  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  of  the  United  States,  and  we  believe  in  making 
ample  provisions  for  them  and  in  the  liberal  administration  of 
the  pension  laws. 

Arbitration.  .... 

We  favor  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  differ- 
ences by  arbitration. 

Protection  of  Citizens  Abroad. 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  administra- 
tion to  protect  American  citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge 
ourselves  to  insist  upon  the  just  and  equal  protection  of  all 
our  citizens  abroadJ  It  is  the  unquestioned  duty  of  the 
government  to  procure  for  all  our  citizens,  without  distinction, 
the  rights  of  travel  and  sojourn  in  friendly  countries,  and  we 
declare  ourselves  in  favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to 
that  end. 

The  Orient. 

Our  great  interest  and  our  great  growing  commerce  in  the 
Orient  render  the  condition  of  China  of  high  importance  to 
the  United  States.  We  cordially  commend  the  policy  pur- 
sued in  that  direction  by  the  administrations  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley  and  President  Roosevelt. 
The  Elective  Franchise. 

We    favor    such    Congressional    action    as   shall    determine 


60 
whether  by  special  discriminations  the  elective  franchise  in 
any  State  hasbeen  unconstitutionally  limited,  and,  if  such  is 
the  case,  we  demand  that  representation  in  Congress  and  in 
the  electoral  colleges  shall  be  proportionally  reduced  as  di- 
rected by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Combinations  of  Capital  and  of  Labor. 

Combinations  of  capital  and  of  labor  are  the  results  of  the 
economic  movement  of  the  age,  but  neither  must  be  permitted 
to  infringe  upon  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  Such 
combinations,  when  lawfully  formed  for  lawful  purposes,  are 
alike  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  laws,  but  both  are  sub- 
ject to  the  laws  and  neither  can  be  permitted  to  break  them 
Our  Lamented  President. 

The  great  statesman  and  patriotic  American,  William  Mc- 
Kinley,  who  was  re-elected  by  the  Republican  party  to  the 
Presidency  four  years  ago,  was  assassinated  just  at  the  thres- 
hold of  his  second  term.  The  entire  nation  mourned  his  un- 
timely death  and  did  that  justice  to  his  great  qualities  of 
mind  and  character  which  history  will  confirm  and  repeat. 
President  Roosevelt. 

The  American  people  were  fortunate  in  his  successor,  to 
whom  they  turned  with  a  trust  and  confidence  which  have 
been  fully  justified.  President  Roosevelt  brought  to  the 
great  responsibilities  thus  sadly  forced  upon  him  a  clear  head 
a  brave  heart,  an  earnest  patriotism,  and  high  ideals  of  public 
duty  and  public  service.  True  to  the  principles  of  the  Re- 
publican party  and  to  the  policies  which  that  party  had  de- 
clared, he  has  also  shown  himself  ready  for  every  emergency 
and  has  met  new  and  vital  questions  with  ability  and  with 
success. 

The  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  justice,  inspired  by  his 
public  career,  enabled  him  to  render  personally  an  inestima- 
ble service  to  the  country  by  bringing  about  a  settlement  of  the 
coal  strike,  which  threatened  such  disastrous  results  at  the 
opening  of  winter  in  1902. 

Our  foreign  policy  under  his  adminstration  has  not  only 
been  able,  vigorous,  and  dignified,  but  in  the  highest  degree 
successful. 

The  complicated  questions  which  arose  in  Venezuela  were 
settled  in  such  a  way  by  President  Roosevelt  that  the  Monroe 
doctrine  was  signally  vindicated  and  the  cause  of  peace  and 
arbitration  greatly  advanced. 

His  prompt  and  vigorous  action  in  Panama,  which  we  com- 


61 
mend,  in  the  highest  terms,  not  only  secured  to  us  the  canal 
route,  but  avoided  foreign  complications  which  might  have 
been  of  a  very  serious  character. 

He  has  continued  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  in 
the  Orient,  and  our  position  in  China,  signalized  by  our 
recent  commercial  treaty  with  that  empire,  has  never  been  so 
high. 

He  secured  the  tribunal  by  which  the  vexed  and  perilous 
question  of  the  Alaskan  boundary  was  finally  settled. 

Whenever  crimes  against  humanity  have  been  perpetrated 
which  have  shocked  our  people,  his  protest  has  been  made, 
and  our  good  offices  have  been  tendered,  but  always  with  due 
regard  to  international  obligations. 

Under  his  guidance  we  find  ourselves  at  peace  with  all  the 
world,  and  never  were  we  more  respected  or  our  wishes  more 
regarded  by  foreign  nations. 

Pre-eminently  successful  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations 
he  has  been  equally  fortunate  in  dealing  with  domestic 
questions.  The  country  has  known  that  the  public  credit 
and  the  national  currency  were  absolutely  safe  in  the  hands 
of  his  administration.  In  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  he  has 
shown  not  only  courage  but  the  wisdomn  which  understands 
that  to  permit  laws  to  be  violated  or  disregarded  opens  the  door 
to  anarchy,  while  the  just  enforcement  of  the  law  is  the  sound- 
est conservatism.  He  has  held  firmly  to  the  fundamental 
American  doctrine  that  all  men  must  obey  the  law;  that  there 
must  be  no  distinction  between  rich  and  poor,  between  strong 
and  weak,  but  that  justice  and  equal  protection  under  the 
law  must  be  secured  to  every  crtizen  without  regard  to  race, 
creed,  or  condition. 

His  administration  has  been  throughout  vigorous  and  hon- 
orable, high-minded  and  patriotic.  We  commend  it  without 
reservation  to  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people. 

PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

1904. 

The  Democratic  paarty  of  the  United  States,  in  national 
convention  assembled,  declares  its  devotion  to  the  essential 
principles  of  the  Democratic  faith  which  bring  us  together 
in  party  communion. 

Under  these  principles,  local  self-government  and  national 
unity  and  prosperity  were  alike  established.     They  underlaid 


62 
our  independence,  the  structure  of  our  free  republic,  and 
every  Democratic  expansion  from  Louisiana  to  California, 
and  Texas  to  Oregon,  which  preserved  faithfully  in  all  the 
States  the  tie  between  taxation  and  representation.  They  yet 
inspirit  the  masses  of  our  people,  regarding  jealously  their 
rights  and  liberties,  and  cherishing  their  fraternity,  peace, 
and  orderly  development.  They  remind  us  of  our  duties  and 
responsibilities  as  citizens,  and  impress  upon  us,  particularly 
at  this  time,  the  necessity  of  reform  and  the  rescue  of  the 
administration  of  government  from  the  headstrong,  arbitrary, 
and  spasmodic  methods  which  distract  business  by  uncer- 
tainty, and  prevade  the  public  mind  with  dread,  distrust,  and 
perturbation. 

Fundamental  Principles. 

The  application  of  these  fudimental  principles  to  the  liv- 
ing issues  of  the  day  constitutes  the  first  step  toward  the  as- 
sured peace,  safety,  and  progress  of  our  nation.  Freedom 
of  the  press,  of  conscience,  and  of  speech;  equality  before  the 
law  of  all  citizens ;  right  of  trail  by  jury ;  freedom  of  the 
person  defended  by  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus;  liberty  of 
personal  contract  untrammeled  by  sumptuary  laws;  suprem- 
acy of  the  civil  over  military  authority;  a  well  disciplined 
militia ;  the  separation  of  church  and  state ;  economy  in  ex- 
penditures; low  taxes,  that  labor  may  be  lightly  burdened; 
fidelity  to  treaties;  peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations;  en- 
tangling alliances  with  none ;  absolute  acquiescence  in  the  will 
of  the  mojority,  the  vital  principle  of  republics — -these  are 
doctrines  which  Democracy  has  established  as  proverbs  of  the 
nation,  and  they  should  be  constantly  invoked  and  enforced. 
Economy  of  Administration. 

Large  reductions  can  easily  be  made  in  the  annual  ex- 
penditures of  the  government  without  impairing  the  efficiency 
of  any  branch  of  the  public  service,  and  we  shall  insist  upon 
the  strictest  economy  and  frugality  compatible  with  vigorous 
and  efficient  civil,  military,  and  naval  administration  as  a 
right  of  the  people  too  clear  to  be  denied  or  withheld. 
Honesty  in  the  Public  Service. 

We  favor  the  enforcement  of  honesty  in  the  public  service, 
and  to  that  end  through  legislative  investigation  of  those 
executive  departments  of  the  government  already  known  to 
them  with  corruption,  as  well  as  other  departements  suspected 
of  harboring  corruption,  and  the  punishment  of  ascertained 
corrruptionists  without  fear  or  favor  or  regard  to  persons. 


63 

The  persistent  and  deliberate  refusal  of  both  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  to  permit  such  investigation  to  be 
made  demonstrates  that  only  by  a  change  in  the  executive  and 
in  the  legislative  departments  can  complete  exposure,  punish- 
ment, and  correction  be  obtained. 

Federal  Government  Contract  with  Trusts. 

We  condemn  the  action  of  the  Republican  party  in  Con- 
gress in  refusing  to  prohibit  an  executive  department  from 
entering  into  conthracts  with  convicted  trusts  or  unlawful 
combinations  in  restraint  of  interstate  trade.  We  belive  that 
one  of  the  best  methods  of  procuring  economy  and  honesty  in 
the  public  service  is  to  have  public  officials,  from  the  oc- 
cupant of  the  White  House  down  to  the  lowest  of  them,  re- 
turned as  nearly  as  may  be,  to  Jeffersonian  simplicity  of 
living. 

Executive  Usurpation. 

We  favor  the  nomination  and  election  of  a  President  im- 
bued with  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  who  will  set  his 
face  sternly  against  Executive  usurpation  of  legislative  and 
judicial  functions,  whether  that  usurpation  be  veiled  under 
the  guise  of  Executive  construction  of  existing  laws,  or 
whether  it  take  refuge  in  the  tyrant's  pleas  of  necessity,  or 
superior  wisdom. 

Imperialism. 
We  favor  the  preservation,  so  far  as  we  can,  of  an  open 
door  for  the  world's  commerce  in  the  Orient,  without  an  un- 
necessary entanglement  in  Oriential  and  European  affairs 
and  without  arbitrary,  unlimited,  irresponsible,  and  absolute 
government  anywhere  within  our  jurisdiction.  We  oppose, 
as  fervently  as  did  George  Washington,  an  indefinite,  irre- 
sponsible, discretionary  and  vague  absolutism  and  policy  of 
colonial  exploitation,  no  matter  where  or  by  whom  invoked  or 
exercised;  we  believe  with  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John 
Adams,  that  no  government  has  a  right  to  make  one  set  of 
laws  for  those  "at  home,"  and  another  and  a  different  set 
of  laws,  absolute  in  their  charater,  for  those  "in  the  colonies." 
All  men  under  the  American  flag  are  entitled  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  institutions  whose  emblem  the  flag  is;  if  they 
are  nherently  unfit  for  those  institutions  then  they  are  in- 
herently unfit  to  members  of  the  American  body  politic. 
Wherever  there  may  exist  a  people  incapable  of  being  gov- 
erned under  American  laws,  in  consonance  with  the  American 


64 

constitution,   the   territory   of   that   people   ought   not  to   be 
part  of  the  American  domain. 

We  insist  that  we  ought  to  do  for  the  Filipinos  what  we 
have  done  already  for  the  Cubans,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  make 
that  promise  now  and  upon  suitable  guarantees  of  protection 
to  citizens  of  our  own  and  other  countries  resident  there  at 
the  time  of  our  withdrawal,  set  the  Filipino  people  upon  their 
feet,  free  and  independent  to  work  out  their  own  destiny. 

The  endeavor  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  by  pledging  the 
government's  indorsement  for  " promoters "  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  to  make  the  United  States  a  partner  in  the 
speculative  exploitation  of  the  archipelago,  which  was  only 
temporarily  held  up  by  the  opposition  of  the  Democracit 
Senators  in  the  last  session,  will,  if  succcessful,  lead  to  en- 
tanglements from  which  it  will  be  difficult  to  escape. 

Tariff. 

The  Democratic  party  has  been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  the 
consistent  opponent  of  that  class  of  tariff  legislation  by 
which  certain  interests  have  been  permitted,  through  Con- 
gressional favor,  to  draw  a  heavy  tribute  from  the  American 
people.  This  monstrous  perversion  of  those  equal  oppor- 
tunities which  our  political  institutions  were  established  to 
secure  has  caused  what  may  once  have  been  infant  industries 
to  become  the  greatest  combinations  of  capital  that  the  world 
has  ever  known.  These  especial  favorites  of  the  government 
have,  through  trust  methods,  been  converted  into  monopolies, 
thus  bringing  to  an  end  domestic  competition,  which  was  the 
only  alleged  check  upon  the  extravagant  profits  made  possi- 
ble by  the  protective  system.  These  industrial  combinations, 
by  the  financial  assistance  they  can  give,  now  control  the 
policy  of  the  republican  party. 

We  denounce  protectionism  as  a  robbery  of  the  many  to 
enrich  the  few,  and  we  favor  a  tariff  limited  to  the  needs  of 
the  government,  economically,  effectively,  and  constitution- 
ally administered,  and  so  levied  as  not  to  discriminate  against 
any  industry,  class,  or  section,  to  the  end  that  the  burdens  of 
taxation  shall  be  distributed  as  equally  as  possible. 

We  favor  a  revision  and  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  tariff 
by  the  friends  of  the  masses  and  for  the  common  weal,  and 
not  by  the  friends  of  its  abuses,  its  extortions,  and  its  dis- 
criminations, keeping  in  view  the  ultimate  end  of  "equality 
of  burdens  and  equality  of  opportunities"  and  the  constitu- 
tional purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  by  taxation,  towit,  the 


65 
support  of  the  Federal  government  in  all  its  intergrity  and 
virility,  but  in  simplicity. 

Trusts  and  Unlawful  Combinations. 

We  recognize  that  the  gigantic  trusts  and  combinations  de- 
signed to  enable  capital  to  secure  more  than  its  just  share  of 
the  joint  products  of  capital  and  labor,  and  which  have  been 
fostered  and  promoted  under  Republican  rule,  are  a  menace 
to  beneficail  competition  and  an  obstacle  to  permanent  busi- 
ness prosperity.  A  private  monopoly  indefensible  and  in- 
tolerable. 

Individual  equality  of  opportunity  and  free  competition 
are  essential  to  healthy  and  permanent  commercial  prosperity 
and  any  trust,  combination,  or  monopoly  tending  to  destroy 
these  by  controlling  production,  restricting  competition,  or 
fixing  prices  and  wages  should  be  prohibited  and  punished 
by  law.  We  especially  denounce  rebates  and  discrimination 
by  transportation  companies  as  the  most  potent  agency  in 
promoting  and  strengthening  these  unlawful  conspiracies 
against  trade. 

We  demand  an  enlargement  of  the  two  powers  of  the  Inter- 
stateCommerce  Commission,  to  the  end  that  the  traveling 
public  and  shippers  of  this  country  may  have  prompt  and 
adequate  relief  from  the  abuses  to  which  they  are  subject  in 
the  matter  of  transportation.  We  demand  a  strict  enforce- 
ment of  existing  civil  and  criminal  statutes  against  all  such 
trusts,  combinations,  and  monopolies;  and  we  demand  the  en- 
actment of  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to 
effectually  suppress  them. 

Any  trust  or  unlawful  combination  engaged  in  interstate 
commerce  which  is  monopolizing  any  branch  of  business  or 
production  should  not  be  permitted  to  transact  business  out- 
side of  the  State  of  its  origin.  Whenever  it  shall  be  estab- 
lished in  any  court  of  competent  jurisdiction  that  such  mon- 
opolization exists,  such  prohibition  shoudl  be  enforced  through 
comprehensive  laws  to  be  enacted  on  the  subject. 
Capital  and  Labor. 

We  favor  enactment  and  administration  of  laws  giving 
labor  and  capital  impartially  their  just  rights.  Capital  and 
labor  ought  not  to  be  enemies.  Each  is  necessary  to  the  other 
Each  has  its  rights,  but  the  rights  of  labor  are  certainly  no 
less  "vested,"  no  less  "sacred,"  and  no  less  "inalienable" 
than  the  rights  of  capital. 

We  favor  arbitration  of  differences  between  corporate  em- 


66 
ployers  and  their  employees,  and  a  strict  enforcement  of  the 
eight-hour  law  on  all  government  work. 

We  approve  the  measure,  which  passed  the  United  States 

Senate  in  1896,  but  which  a  Republican  Congress  has  ever 

since  refused  to  enact,  relating  to  contempt  in  Federal  courts, 

and  providing  for  trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  indirect  contempt. 

Constit utional   Guaranties. 

Constitutional  guaranties  are  violated  whenever  any  citizen 
is  denied  the  right  to  labor,  acquire  and  enjoy  property,  or 
reside  where  interests  or  inclination  may  determine.  Any 
denial  thereof  by  individuals,  organizations,  or  governments 
should  be  summarily  rebuked  and  punished. 

We  deny  the  right  of  any  Executive  to  disregard  or  sus- 
pend any  constitntional  privilige  or  limitation.  Obedience 
to  the  laws  and  respect  for  their  requirements  are  alike  the 
supreme  duty  of  the  citizen  and  the  official. 

The  military  should  be  used  only  to  support  and  maintain 
the  law.  We  unqualifiedly  condemn  its  employment  for  the 
summary  banishment  of  citizens  without  trial  at  or  for  the 
conthrol  of  elections. 

Waterways. 

We  favor  liberal  appropriations  for  the  care  and  improve- 
ment of  the  waterways  of  the  country.  When  any  waterway, 
like  the  Mississippi  River,  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  de- 
mand special  aid  of  the  government,  such  aid  should  be  ex- 
tended with  a  difinite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  per- 
manent improvement  is  secured. 

We  oppose  the  Republican  policy  of  starving  home  develop- 
ment in  order  to  feed  the  greed  for  conquest  and  the  appetite 
for  national  "prestige"  and  display  of  strength. 

Reclamation  of  Arid  Lands  and  Domestic  Development. 

We  congratulate  our  Western  citizens  upon  the  passing  of 
the  measure  known  as  the  new  lands  irrigation  act  for  the 
irrigation  and  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the  West;  a 
measure  framed  by  a  Democratic,  passed  in  the  Senate  by 
a  non-partism  vote,  and  passed  in  the  House  against  the  oppo- 
sition of  almost  all  the  Republican  leaders  by  a  vote  the  ma- 
jority of  which  was  Democratic. 

We  call  attention  to  this  great  Democratic  measure,  broad 
and  comprehensive  as  it  is,  working  automatically  througout 
all  time  without  further  action  of  Congress,  until  the  reclama- 
tion of  all  the  lands  in  the  arid  West  capable  of  reclamation, 
is    accomplished,    reserving   the    lands    reclaimed    for  home- 


67 
seekers  in  small  tracts,  and  rigidly  gaurding  against  land 
monopoly,  as  an  evidence  of  the  policy  of  domestic  develop- 
ment contemplated  by  the  Democratic  party,   should  it  be 
placed  in  power. 

Isthmian  Canal. 

The  Democracy,  when  intrusted  with  power,  will  constuct 
the  Panama  Canal  speedily,  honestly,  and  economically,  there- 
by giving  to  our  people  what  Democrats  have  always  con- 
tended for — a  great  inter-oceanic  canal,  furnishing  shorter 
and  cheaper  lines  of  transportation,  and  broader  and  less 
trammeled  trade  relations  with  the  other  peoples  of  the 
world. 

American  Citizenship. 

"We  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon  the  just  and  lawful  pro- 
tection of  our  citizens  at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  use  all 
proper  measures  to  secure  for  them,  whether  native  born  or 
naturalized,  and  without  distinction  of  race  or  creed,  the  equal 
protection  of  laws  and  the  enjoyment  of  all  rights  and  priv- 
ileges open  to  them  under  the  covenants  of  our  treaties  of 
friendship  and  comerce;  and  if  under  existing  treaties  the 
right  of  travel  and  sojourn  is  denied  to  American  citizens  or 
recognition  is  withheld  from  Amercan  passports  by  any 
countries  on  the  ground  of  race  or  creed,  we  favor  the  begin- 
ning of  negitiations  with  the  government  of  such  countries  to 
secure  by  new  treaties  the  removal  of  these  unjust  discrimina- 
tions. 

We  demand  that  all  over  the  world  a  duly  authenticated 
passport  issued  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  an 
American  citizen  shall  be  proof  of  the  fact  that  he  is  an  Amer- 
ican citizen  and  shall  entitle  him  to  the  treatment  due  him  as 
such. 

Election  of  Senators  by  the  People. 

We  favor  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the 
direct  vote  of  the  people. 

Statehood  for  Territories. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territories  of  Oklahoma  and 
Indian  Territory.  We  also  favor  the  immediate  admission 
of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  as  seperate  States  and  a  Territor- 
ial government  for  Alaska  and  Porto  Rico. 

We  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to  administer  the 
government  of  any  Territory,  as  well  as  with  the  district  of 
Alaska  should  be  bona  fide  residents  at  the  time  of  their  ap- 


pointment  of  the  Territory  or  district  in  which  their  duties 
are  to  be  performed. 

Condemnation  of  Polygamy. 
"We    demand   the    extermination    of    polybamy   within    the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  and  the  complete  seperation 
of  church  and  state  in  political  affairs. 
Merchant  Marine. 
We  denounce  the  ship  subsidy  bill  recently  passed  by  the 
United  States  Senate  as  an  iniquitous  appropriation  of  pub- 
lic funds  for  private  purposes,  and  a  wasteful,  illogical,  and 
useless  attempts  to  overcome  by  subsidy  the  obstructions  raised 
by   Republican    legislation   to   the    growth    and    development 
of  American  commerce  on  the  sea. 

We  favor  the  upholding  of  a  merchant  marine  without  new 
or  additional  burdens  upon  the  people  and  without  bounties 
from  the  public  Treasury. 

Reciprocity. 
We  favor  the  upbuilding  of  a  marchant  marine  without  new 
peoples  of  other  countries  where  they   can   be   entered  into 
with  benefit  to  American  agriculture,  manufactures,  mining, 
or  commerce. 

Monroe  Doctrine. 
We  favor  the  maintenance  of  the  Monrre  doctrine  in  its 
full  intergrity. 

Army. 
We   favor   the   reduction    of   the   army   and   of   army   ex- 
penditures to  the  point  historically  demonstrated  to  be  safe 
and  sufficient. 

Pensions  for  Our  Soldiers  and  Sailors. 

The  Democracy  would  secure  to  the  surviving  soldiers  and 
sailors  and  their  dependants  generous  pensions,  not  by  an 
arbitrary  Executive  order,  but  by  legislation,  which  a  great- 
ful  people  stand  ready  to  enact. 

Our  soldiers  and  sailors  who  defend  with  their  lives  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  have  a  sacred  interest  in  their  just 
administration.  They  must,  therefore,  share  with  us  the 
humiliation  with  which  we  have  witnessed  the  exaltation  of 
court  favorites,  without  distinguished  service,  over  the 
sacred  heroes  of  many  battles;  or  aggrandizement  by  Execu- 
tive appropriations  out  of  the  treasuries  of  prostrate  peoples 
in  violation  of  the  act  of  Congress  which  fixed  the  compen- 
sation of  allowances  of  the  military  officers. 


69 

Civil  Service. 

The  Democratic  party  stands  committed  to  the  principle 
of  civil  service  reform,  and  we  demand  its  honest,  just,  and 
impartial  enforcement. 

We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for  its  continuous  and 
sinister  encroachments  upon  the  spirit  and  operation  of  civil- 
service  rules,  whereby  it  has  arbitrary  dispensed  with  exam- 
inations for  office  in  the  interests  of  favorties  and  employed 
all  manner  of  devices  to  overreach  and  set  aside  the  principles 
upon  which  the  civil  service  was  based. 

Sectional  and  Race  Agitation. 

The  race  question  has  brought  countless  woes  to  this  coun- 
try. The  calm  wisdom  of  the  American  people  should  see  to 
it  that  it  brings  no  more. 

To  revive  the  dead  and  hateful  race  and  sectional  animosi- 
ties in  any  part  of  our  common  country  means  confusion, 
distraction  of  business,  and  the  reopening  of  wounds  now 
happily  healed.  North,  South,  East,  and  West  have  but 
recently  stood  together  in  line  of  battle  from  the  walls  of 
Peking  to  the  hills  of  Santiago,  and  as  sharers  of  a  common 
glory  and  a  common  destiny  we  should  share  fraternally  the 
common  burdens. 

We  therfore  deprecate  and  condemn  the  Bourbon-like,  sel- 
fish, and  narrow  spirit  of  the  recent  Republican  convention  at 
Chicago,  which  sought  to  kindle  anew  the  embers  of  racial 
and  sectional  strife,  and  we  appeal  fro  mit  to  the  sober,  com- 
mon sense  and  patriotic  spirit  of  the  American  people. 
The  Republican  Administration. 

The  existing  Republican  administration  has  been  spas- 
modic, erratic,  sensational,  spectacular,  and  arbitrary.  It 
has  made  itself  a  satire  upon  the  Congress,  courts,  and  upon 
the  settled  practices  and  usage  of  national  and  international 
law. 

It  summoned  the  Congress  in  hasty  and  futile  extra  session, 
and  virtually  adjourned  it,  leaving  behind  its  flight  from 
Washington  uncalled  calendars  and  unaccomplished  tasks. 

It  made  war,  which  is  the  sole  power  of  Congress,  without 
its  authority,  thereby  usurping  one  of  its  fundamental  pre- 
rogatives. It  violated  a  plain  statute  of  the  United  States  as 
well  as  plain  treaty  obligations,  international  usages  and 
constitutional  law;  and  has  done  so  under  pretense  of  execut- 
ing a  great  public  policy  which  could  have  been  more  easily 
effected  lawfully,  constitutionally,  and  with  honor. 


70 

It  forced  strained  and  unnatural  constructions  upon  stat- 
utes, usurping  judicial  interpretation,  and  substituting  for 
Congressional  enactment  Executive  decree. 

It  withdrew  from  the  Congress  its  customary  duties  of  in- 
vestigation, which  have  theretofore  made  the  representatives 
of  the  people  and  the  States  the  terror  of  evil  doers. 

It  conducted  a  secretive  investigation  of  its  own,  and  boast- 
ing of  a  few  sample  convicts,  it  threw  a  broad  coverlet  over 
the  bureaus  which  had  been  their  chosen  field  of  operative 
abuses  and  kept  in  power  the  superior  officers  under  whose  ad- 
ministration the  crimes  had  been  committed. 

It  ordered  assault  upon  some  monopolies,  but,  paralyzed 
by  its  first  victory,  it  flung  out  the  flag  of  truce  and  cried 
out  that  it  would  not  "run  amuck" — leaving  its  future  pur- 
poses beclouded  by  its  vacillations. 

Appeal  to  the  People. 

Conducting  the  campaign  upon  this  declaration  of  our  prin- 
ciples and  purposes,  we  invoke  for  our  candidates  the  sup- 
port not  only  of  our  great  and  time-honored  organization,  but 
also  the  active  assistance  of  all  of  our  fellow-citizens,  who 
disregarding  past  differences,  desire  the  perpetuation  of  our 
constitutional  government,  as  framed  and  established  by  the 
fathers  of  the  Republic. 

RECORD    OF    THE    DEMOCRATIC    PARTY 

ON     THE     ACT     ESTABLISHING     THE 

GOLD  STANDARD. 

Analysis  of  the  Vote  in  the  House  and  Senate  upon  that  Act. 

Judge  Parker's  telegram  to  the  St.  Louis  convention  stated 
that  he  regards  "the  gold  standard  as  firmly  and  irrevocably 
estabilsehd  and  shall  act  accordingly." 

How  little  he  is  in  accord  with  his  party  on  this  subject 
is  shown  not  only  by  the  fact  that  the  convention  de- 
clined both  before  and  after  his  telegram  to  repudiate  in  any 
way  the  silver  platform  of  1896  and  1900,  but  is  also  shown 
by  the  vote  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Congress  on  the  act 
establishing  the  gold  standard.  That  measure  was  passed  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  December  18,  1899 ;  was  amend- 
ed in  the  Senate  and  passed  February  15,  1900,  and  the  con- 
ference report  which  presented  the  bill  in  the  form  in  which  it 
became  a  law  was  voted  upon  in  the  Senate  March  6,  1900. 
The  votes  on  this  measure  at  its  various  stages  are  summar- 


71 

ized  by  Representative  T.  C.  McRae,  of  Arkansas,  a  Demo- 
crat, on  pages  3034  and  3035  of  the  daily  Congressional  Re- 
cord of  March  14,  1900.  (page  2842  of  bound  record)  as 
follows : 

Vote  on  passage  in  the  House,  December  18,  1899 : 

Yeas — 179  Republicans,  11  Democrats. 

Nays — 142  Democrats,  5  Populists  3  Silverites. 

Vote  on  passage  in  the  House,  December  18,  1899 : 

Yeas — 44  Republicans,  2  Gold  Democrats. 

Nays — 23  Democrats,  3  Silverites,  2  Populists,  1  Repub- 
lican. 

Vote  in  Senate  on  Conference  Report,  March  6,  1900: 

Yeas — 43  Republicans,  1  Democrat. 

Nays — 21  Democrats,  2  Silverties,  2  Populists,  1  Repub- 
lican. 

Vote  on  Conference  Report  in  House  of  Representatives, 
March  13,  1900 : 

Yeas — 157  Republicans,  9  Democrats. 

Nays — 114  Democrats,  4  Populists,  2  Silverites. 
The  Vote  against  the  Old  Standard  Act. 
The  vote  against  the  bill  on  its  original  passage  in  the  House 
on  December  18,  1899,  with  the  policies  of  each  member  as 
stated  in  the  Congressional  Directory  for  1900,  is  summar- 
ized in  the  Congressional  Record  of  March  14,  1900,  by  Hon. 
Thomas  C.  McRae,  a  Democratic  Congressman  from  Arkansas, 
as  follows : 

Adamson,  Ga.,  Dem.  Lewis,  Ga.,  Dem. 

Allen,  Ky.,  Dem.  Little,  Ark.,  Dem. 

Allen,  Miss.,  Dem.  Livingston,   Ga.,  Dem. 

Atwater,  N.  C,  Dem.  Lloyd,  Mo.,  Dem. 

Bailey,  Tex.,     Dem.  McClellan,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 

Bankhead,  Ala.,  Dem.         McCulloch,  Ark.,  Dem. 
Barber.  Pa.,  Dem.  McDowell,  O.,  Dem. 

Bartlett,  Ga.,  Dem.  McLain,  Miss.,  Dem. 

Bell,  Col.,  Prop.  McRae,  Ark.,  Dem. 

Benton,  Mo.,  Dem.  Maddox.  Ga.,  Dem. 

Berry,  Ky.,  Dem.  May,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 

Bradley,  N.  Y.,  Dem.  Meekison,  O.,  Dem. 

Brantley,  Ga.,  Dem.  Meyer,  La.,  Dem. 

Braezale,  La.,     Dem.  Miers,  Ind.,  Dem. 

Brenner,  O.,  Dem.  Moon,  Tenn.,  Dem. 

Brewer,  Ala.,  Dem.  Muller,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 

Brundidge,  Ark.,  Dem.        Naphen,  Mass.,  Dem. 


Burke,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Burleson,  Ter.,  Dem. 
Burnett,  Ala.,  Dem. 
Cladwell,  111.,  Dem. 
Carmack,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Chanler,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Clark,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Clayton,  Ala.,  Dem. 
Cochran,  Mo.,  Dem 
Cooney,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Cooper,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Cowherd,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Cox,  Tenn.,  Dem.  • 
Crawford,  N.  C,  Dem. 
Crowley,  111.,  Dem. 
Cummings,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Cusaek,  111.,  Dem. 
Daly,  N.  J.,  Dem. 
Davenport,  S.W.  Pa.,  Dem 
Davis,  Fla.,  Dem. 
DeArmond,  Mo.,  Dem. 
DeGraffenried,  Tex.,  Dem. 
DeVries,  Cal.,  Dem. 
Dinsmore,  Ark.,  Dem. 
Dougherty,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Elliott,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Epes,  Va.,  Dem. 
Finley,  S.   C,  Dem. 
Fitzgerald,  Mass.,  Dem. 
Fitzpatrick,  Ky.,  Dem. 
Fleming,  Ga.,  Dem. 
Foster,   111.,   Dem. 
Fox,  Miss.,  Dem. 
Gaines,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Gaston,  Pa.,  Dem. 
Gilbert,  Ky.,  Dem. 
Glynn,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Gordon,  0.,  Dem. 
Green,  Pa.,  Dem. 
Griffith,  Ind.,  Dem. 
Griggs,  Ga.,  Dem. 
Hall,  Ga.,  Dem. 
Hay,  Va.,  Dem. 


72 
Neville,  Neb.,  Pop. 
Newlands,  Nev.,  Sil. 
Noonan,   111..   Dem. 
Norton,  111.,  Dem. 
Norton,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Otey,  Va.,  Dem. 
Pierce,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Polk,  Pa.  Dem. 
Quarles,  Va.,  Dem. 
Randsdell,  La.,  Dem. 
Rhea,  Ky.,  Dem. 
Rhea,  Va.,  Dem. 
Richardson,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Ridgely,  N.  Y.,  Pop. 
Riordan,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Rixey,  Va.,  Dem. 
Robb,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Robbins,   Ala., Dem. 
Robinson,  Ind.,  Dem. 
Robinson,  Neb.,  Dem. 
Rucker,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Ryan,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Ryan,  Pa.,  Dem. 
Salmon,  N.  J.,  Dem. 
Shackelford,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Shafroth,  Col,  Sil. 
Sheppard,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Sibley,  Pa.,  Dem. 
Sims,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Slayden,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Small,  N.  C,  Dem. 
Smith,  Ky.,  Dem. 
Snodgrass,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Sparkman,  Fla.,  Dem. 
Spight,  Miss.,  Dem. 
Stark,  Neb.,  Pop. 
Stephens,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Stokes,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Sulzer,  N.  Y.,  Dem. 
Sutherland,  Neb.,  Pop. 
Swanson,  Va.,  Dem. 
Talbert,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Tate,  Ga.,  Dem. 


73 

Taylor,  Ala.,  Dem. 

Terry,  Ark.,  Dem. 

Thomas,  N.  C,  Dem. 

Turner,  Ky.,  Dem. 

Underwood,  Ala.,  Dem. 

Vandiver,  Mo.,  Dem. 

Wheeler,  Ky.,  Dem. 

Williams,  J.  .,  111.,  Dem. 

Williams,  Miss.,  Dem. 

William,  W.  E.,  111.,  Dem. 

Wilson,  Ida.,  Sil. 

Young,  Va.,  Dem. 

Zenor,  Ind.,  Dem. 

Ziegler,  Pa.,  Dem. 
The  vote  against  the  bill  on  its  original  passage  in  the  Sen- 
ate, February  15,  1900,  and  the  politics  of  each  Senator,  were 
as  follows : 


Henry,  Miss.,  Dem. 
Henry,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Howard,  Ga.,  Dem. 
Jett,  111.,  Dem. 
Johnston,  W.  Va.,  Dem. 
Jones,  Va,,  Dem. 
Kitchen,  N.  C,  Dem. 
Kleberg,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Kluttz/N.  C.  Dem. 
Lamb,  Va.,  Dem. 
Lanham,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Latimer,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Lentz,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Lester,  Ga.,  Dem. 


Bate,  Tenn.,  Dem. 
Berry,  Ark..  Dem. 
Butler,  N.  C,  Pop. 
Chandler,  N.  H,  Dem. 
Chilton,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Clark,  Mont.,  Dem. 
Clay,  Ga.,  Dem. 
Cockrell,  Mo.,  Dem. 
Culberson,  Tex.,  Dem. 
Daniel,  Va.,  Dem. 
Harris,  Kan.,  Pop. 
Heitfeld,  Ida.,  Pop. 
Jones,   Ark.,   Dem. 
Jones,  Nev.,  Sil. 


McEnery,  La.,  Dem. 
McLaurin,  S.  C,  Dem. 
Martin,  Va.,  Dem. 
Money,  Miss.,  Dem. 
Morgan,  Ala.,  Dem. 
Pettus,  Ala.,  Dem. 
Rawlins,  Utah,  Dem. 
Stewart,  Nev.,  Sil. 
Sullivan,  Miss.,   Dem. 
Taliferro,   Fla.,   Dem. 
Teller,  Col.,  Sil. 
Tillman,    S.    C,   Dem. 
Turley,    Tenn.,    Dem. 
Vest,  Mo.,  Dem. 


Kenney,  Del.,  Dem. 

Even  the  Democratic  Representatives  in  the  New  Eng- 
land and  Middle  States  which  now  pose  as  supporters  of  the 
gold  standard  voted  generally  against  the  act  establishing 
the  gold  standard. 

That  is  the  record  of  the  vote  in  Congress  on  the  gold  stand- 
ard act  by  the  party  whose  newspapers  and  Presidential 
eaididate  are  now  trying  to  make  people  believe  that  it  is  a 
gold  standard  party  or  that  it  is  abandoning  in  any  way  its 
opposition  to  the  gold  standard. 


74 
THE  EVIL  RESULTS    OF    THE    APPOINT- 
IVE SYSTEM    OF    SCHOOL    OFFICIALS 
ENFORCED      BY    THE      DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY. 


HOW  THE   PUBLIC   SCHOOLS   ARE   MANAGED   FOR 
PARTISAN  PURPOSES. 


A  MISERABLE    SYSTEM    THAT   SHOULD   BE    ABOL- 
ISHED 


The  people  are  more  heavily  taxed  for  public  education 
than  for  any  other  purpose.  They  are  more  vitally  inter- 
ested in  the  government  and  management  of  their  public 
schools  than  any  other  department  of  the  State  government. 
The  parents  must  entrust  their  children  to  the  teacher,  who 
is  the  mental  and  moral  instructor,  and  for  the  time  being 
stands  in  the  place  of  the  parent.  The  people  therefore  are 
more  deeply  concerned  in  the  management  of  these  schools, 
and  the  selection  of  these  teachers,  who  are  to  shape  the 
lives  and  character  of  their  children,  than  in  the  selection  of 
all  other  County  and  State  officials  combined.  These  child- 
ren are  soon  to  make  and  governtheState,  and  strange  to 
say,  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  these  children,  who  pay  the 
taxes  and  support  these  schools,  have  no  voice  whatever  in 
the  management  of  the  public  schools,  and  little  to  say  as  to 
who  shall  teach  their  children. 

More  sacred  and  important  to  the  people,  than  the  Gov- 
ernor, the  Judge,  the  Sheriff  and  the  members  of  the  Legis- 
lature, are  the  school  officials,  which  embraces  the  County 
Board  of  Education,  the  County  Superintendent  and  the 
district  school  committeemen.  The  people  are  careful  to  pro- 
vide for  the  election  of  their  County  and  State  officers,  and 
even  their  township  magistrates,  whoes  chief  duties  are  to  act 
as  Road  Supervisors  and  to  bind  over  criminals  to  court,  but 
the  sacred  duties  of  school  committeemen  and  school  boards, 
and  School  Superintendents,  who  are  the  custodians  of  the 
mental  and  moral  developement  of  our  children,  upon  which 
depends  the  sanctity  of  our  homes  and  the  welfare  of  our 
State,  are  taken  away  from  the  people ;  and  they  have  no 


75 
voice  in  their  selection.     This  is  Democratic   Good   Govern- 
ment for  North  Carolina! 
These  important  school  officials  are  selected  as  follows : 

The  chairman  of  the  Executive  committee  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  in  each  County,  recommends  to  the  Legislature 
the  men  he  desires  to  constitute  the  County  Board  of  Educa- 
tion. These  men  are  invariably  appointed  by  a  Democratic 
Legislature  sorely  on  this  recommendation.  This  Board  thus 
appointed,  then  selects  a  County  Superintendent  of  public 
schools*.  Then  the  County  Board  of  Education  and  the 
County  Superintendent  selects  all  the  school  Committeemen  in 
the  County.  This  is  true  in  every  County  in  the  State.ex- 
cept  two  or  three,  which  demanded  of  the  last  Legislature  that 
they  be  allowed  to  elect  these  officials.  Every  Republican 
County  in  the  State  made  the  same  demand  of  the  last  Leg- 
islature for  their  County  to  be  allowed  to  elect  its  school  offi- 
cials, but  this  demand  was  turned  down,  but  however  was 
granted  to  a  few  Democratic  Counties,  who  threatened  to  turn 
Republican  if  it  was  not  done. 

There  is  not  a  Republican  School  Committeeman  in  North 
Carolina  to-day,  to  the  knowledge  of  this  writer,  yet  the  party 
cast  at  the  last  election  82,000  white  votes,  men  who  are  as 
honest,  patriotic  and  liberty-loving  as  any  people  on  earth, 
and  men  who  have  done  more  for  education  in  North  Car- 
olina, for  the  money  expended,  than  was  ever  done  by  the 
Democratic  Party.  To  deprive  the  people  of  the  opportunity 
of  electing  their  school  officials,  and  to  place  this  sacred  and 
enormous  responsibility  in  the  hands  of  one  man,  who  may 
chance  to  be  the  chairman  of  a  Political  Party  in  the  County 
is  contrary  to  the  principles  of  local  self  government,  and 
subversive  of  the  best  interest  of  public  education  in  the 
County  and  State.  We  now  recall  that  the  Chairman  of  the 
executive  committee  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  one  of  the 
largest  Counties  in  this  State,  is  and  has  been  for  some  time 
a  clerk  in  a  livery  stable,  yet  he  appoints  the  County  Board 
of  Education,  and  they  in  turn  appoint  all  the  other  school 
officials  in  the  county,  and  more  money  from  the  peoples' 
taxes  are  placed  in  the  hands  of  these  partisan  apopintees 
to  be  expended  each  year  than  is  expended  by  the  county  for 
all  othr  purposes  combined,  and  then  the  state  school  offi- 
cials complain  that  the  people  refuse  to  vote  for  local  taxation 
for  public  schools,  and  thereby  refuse  to  place  more  of  their 
money  in  the  hands  of  teachers  and  school  officials  whom  they 


76 
are  not  allowed  to  select.  Two-fifths  of  all  the  taxes  in  the 
state  are  paid  by  the  Republicans.  Two-fifths  of  all  the  school 
children  in  the  state  have  Republican  parents,  yet  there  is  not 
a  Republican  school  committeeman  in  the  State.  In  many 
of  the  large  Republican  Counties  there  are  barely  enough 
Democrats  in  some  townships  to  fill  these  positions,  yet  in- 
competent men  are  often  selected,  and  sometimes  without 
character  or  intelligence,  simply  because  they  are  Demo- 
crats. The  substantial  citizens  of  the  community  who  own 
the  property,  and  furnishes  the  children  for  the  public  schools, 
are  given  no  recognition  by  the  County  Schools  Board,  and 
therefore  have  no  voice  in  the  selection  of  the  officials  who 
expend  their  taxes,  or  in  the  teachers  who  instruct  their  chil- 
dren. ;  and  yet  the  department  of  Education  at  Raleigh  and 
the  State  Superintendent,  who  are  parties  to  this  dishonest 
and  undemocratic  school  machinery  appear  to  lament  that 
our  state  stands  near  the  foot  of  the  list  in  the  scale  of  illit- 
eracy, and  wonder  why  the  people  will  not  support  the  schools 
better,  and  why  they  will  not  lengthen  their  terms  by  local 
taxation.  The  explanation  is  easy,  and  they  have  been  told 
the  trouble  and  how  to  remedy  it,  but  rather  than  give  up 
their  miserable  system  of  political  appointment  of  the  pub- 
lic school  officials  and  thereby  relinquishing  the  power  of  the 
political  machine,  they  allow  the  schools  to  suffer  and  the 
state  as  well.  What  the  people  would  do  themselves  by  ec- 
onomic management  and  local  taxation,  they  prefer  to  do  by 
increase  tax  and  loans  and  bonds  and  a  large  annual  appro- 
priation from  a  depleted  State  Treasury. 

A  prominent  member  of  the  State  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Democratic  Party  appeared  before  the  committee  on 
education  during  the  last  legislature  and  asked  to  be  allowed 
to  name  the  County  Board  of  Education  for  his  county,  as 
the  present  Democratic  Board  for  his  coutny,  which  was  op- 
pointed  by  the  legislature  of  1903,  was  incompetent.  He 
stated  to  the  committee  that  the  Legislature  of  1903  ap- 
pointed this  Board  over  the  protest  of  the  best  people  of  his 
county,  and  at  the  request  of  a  Democratic  member  of  the 
Legislature  who  did  not  live  even  in  his  county,  or  in  an  ad- 
joining county,  and  the  board  which  he  had  appointed,  and 
which  served  for  two  years,  was  composed  of  three  men, 
designated  by  him  as  follows :  One  was  an  ordinary  white 
man  with  no  special  qualifications;  another  was  a  negro,  and 
the  third  member  of  the  board  had  been  dead  twelve  months 


77 
before  he  was  appointed.  Those  three  men  were  the  legal 
guardians  and  dirctors  of  the  schools  of  one  of  the  best  coun- 
ties in  North  Carolina  from  1903  to  1905,  as  the  result  of  a 
vicious  and  partisan  appointive  system  that  has  no  place  in 
a  republican  form  of  government,  and  should  be  speedily 
uprooted  by  the  people  of  North  Carolina. 

The  Republican  Party  is  pledged  to  do  this  if  entrusted 
with  the  management  of  our  state  government,  and  until  this 
is  done  we  shall  expect  to  see  little  progress  made  education- 
ally in  our  state. 

zA   CHANGE  DEMANDED  IN  THE  MAN- 
AGEMENT OF  OUR  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 


Too  much  money  expended  for  school  officers  and  school  mach- 
inery that  should  be  used  to  educate  our  children. 


The  school  fund  has  increased  300  per  cent,  in  ten  years,  but 
the  school  term  has  increased  only  about  25  per  cent. 


Bad  management,  extravagance  and  incompetency  in  our  pub- 
lic  schools   by   Democratic   officials. 


The  people  of  North  Carolina  are  pledg-ed,  through  their 
state  Constitution,  to  a  four-months  public  school  term,  and 
they  are  willing  to  be  taxed  without  stint  for  that  purpose, 
but  they  want  these  taxes  equitably  and  economically  ex- 
pended. The  public  school  fund  now  amounts  to  over  two 
millions  of  dollars  annually,  which  is  by  the  largest  fund 
which  the  peopde  are  required  to  pay  for  any  one  purpose  in 
the  state,  and  they  are  especially  desirous  that  this  vast  sum 
shall  be  so  expended  as  to  give  us  the  longest  school  term  pos- 
sible in  order  that  the  children  of  the  State  may  be  the  chief 
beneficiaries  of  the  people 's  taxes  and  not  the  numerous  school 
officials  who  dispense  this  fund. 

It  is  necessary  to  have  proper  supervision  of  our  schools 
and  these  officials  should  be  paid  an  amount  commensurate 
with  their  work,  but  the  expenditures  for  this  purpose  should 
not  increase  year  after  year  faster  than  the  school  term  in- 
creases, for  the  children,  and  not  the  distributors  of  the  school 
fund,  are  the  special  objects  for  which  these  taxes  and  appro- 
priations are  procured. 

Too  much  money  has  been  spent  in  the  recent  past  in  our 


78 
State,  in  the  name  of  public  education  under  the  list  "other 
purposes"  and  not  enough  has  been  expended  directly  for 
the  education  of  our  school  children. 

The  money  now  being  expended  annually  for  our  public 
schools,  including  State  and  local  taxes  and  the  $200,000  ap- 
propriation, should  in  my  judgment,  give  us  a  six  months 
school  term  over  the  state  instead  of  the  seventeen  weeks 
which  we  now  have. 

State  Superintendent  Scarborough,  in  his  recommenda- 
tions to  the  legislature  of  1905,  found  on  the  first  page  of  his 
biennial  report,  says:  "The  total  receipts  as  reported  by 
the  county  treasurers  for  schools  for  the  school  year  1893- 
'94,  were  $777,079.29.  This  sum  as  shown  by  the  reports  of 
the  county  superintendents,  gave  for  the  same  year  a  frac- 
tion less1  than  thirteen  weeks.  This  falls  short  of  four 
months  by  over  sixteen  days.  A  calculation  will  show  that 
the  sum  of  $12,500  is  required  for  one  day.  Multiply  by  six- 
teen and  we  have  $200,000  needed  to  carry  the  schools  eighty 
days."  It  therefore  apepars  from,  the  estimates  made  by 
Superintendent  Scarborough  in  1894,  that  $977,079.29  was 
the  amount  required  to  furnish  the  children  of  the  state  a 
four  months  school  term. 

In  1905  the  available  public  school  fund  was  $2,308,728.98, 
or  about  three  times  as  much  as  it  was  in  1894,  and  about  two 
and  one-half  times  as  much  as  Supt.  Scarborough  stated  in 
his  official  report  was  necessary  to  give  the  public  schools  a 
four  months  term  all  over  the  state.  If  $977,079.29  was  all 
the  money  that  was  needed  in  1894  to  give  us  eighty  days  or 
four  months  school,  then  why  did  the  present  school  officials 
of  the  state  expend  in  1905  the  sum  of  $2,308,729.98  and  only 
give  us  eighty-five  days  school  term. 

The  reports  show  that  since  1894  the  number  of  school  has 
only  increased  ten  per  cent.,  and  the  salary  of  the  teachers 
has  increased  less  than  sixteen  per  cent.,  but  that  the  school 
fund  has  increased  nearly  300  per  cent.  It  therefore  appears 
that  "other  expenses"  which  include  all  other  items  of  ex- 
penditures, which  do  not  go  directly  to  the  childrens'  edu- 
cation, have  consumed  the  greater  part  of  this  increase  in  the 
school  fund  since  that  date. 

The  following  information  gathered  from  the  bi-en'nial 
reports  of  our  State  Superintendents  will  throw  some  light 


79 
on  the  suggestions  above,   and  will  prove  interesting  to  all 
friends  of  public  education. 


Year 

School  fund 

School  term 

Cost  per  day 

1884 

$580,311.61 

57  1-2  days 

$10,000. 

1887 

647,407.81 

60  days 

10,790. 

1890 

721,756.38 

60  days 

12,000. 

1894 

777,079.29 

64  days 

12,141. 

1896 

824,238.08 

62  days 

13,300. 

1898 

988,409.11 

70  days 

14,120. 

1900 

1,031,327.94 

73  days 

14,120. 

1901 

1,119,746.17 

77  days 

14,500. 

1902 

1,484,921.34 

82  days 

18,108. 

1903 

1,584,222.13 

83  1-2  days 

19,000. 

1904 

1,908,675,00 

85  days 

22,431. 

1905 

2,308,728.98 

85  days 

25,961.50 

The  above  table  shows  that  it  cost  in  1905  two  and  one-half 
times  as  much  to  run  the  public  schools  a  day  as  it  did  in 
1884,  and  nearly  twice  as  much  as  it  did  during  the  period 
that  the  republicans  were  in  power  in  the  state  between 
1896  and  1900.  It  shows  that  the  school  fund  in  1905  was 
about  two  and  one-half  times  as  much  as  it  was  from  1896  to 
1900,  yet  the  school  term  was  only  about  one-seventh  longer. 
The  following  table  will  give  the  number  of  children  in 
the  State  of  school  age  for  the  years  named : 

1884    515,404 

1887    566,270 

1890    586,668 

1894    601,900 

1896    634,185 

1898    628,480 

1900    659,629 

1901    667,981 

1902    676,612 

1903    678,575 

1904    686,009 

1905    696,662 

The     above     table     shows    that     the    number     of     school 

children  have  increased  only  about  30  per  cent,  since  1884, 
and  we  have  shown  above  that  the  cost  per  day  has  increased 
more  than  150  per  cent,  and  the  school  fund  has  increased 
more  than  300  per  cent.  It  shows  also  that  the  number  of 
children  have  increased  only  about  ten  per  cent,  since  1898, 
but  the  cost  per  day  to  run  the  schools  has  increased  from 
$14,120  to  $25,961.50,  or  about  90  per  cent,  and  that  the 
school  fund  has  increased  from  $988,409.11  to  $2,308,728.98, 


80 
or  about  250  per  cent.     We  give  below  the  average  salary 
of  the  public  school  teachers,  white  and  colored  for  188  6r 
1900  and  1905,  as  follows: 

In  1886  the  white  teachers  received  $25.00  per  month  and 
the  colored  teachers  $22.50per  month,  in  1900  white  teachers 
received  $24.78  and  colored  teachers  received  $20.48.  In 
1905  the  white  teachers  received  $28.80  and  the  colored 
teachers  $22.20  per  month.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  sal- 
ary of  the  colored  teachers  have  not  increased  since  1886, 
but  have  slightly  decreased,  and  that  the  salary  of  the  white 
teachers  has  increased  only  about  12  and  one-half  per  cent, 
but  the  cost  of  each  days  schooling  has  increased  about  150 
per  cent,  and  that  the  school  fund  has  increased  about  250 
per  cent. 

Now  let  us  compare  the  expenses  of  our  public  schools  for 
the  past  five  years. 

Pay  and   Expenses  of         Other 
County  Board  of  Education.         Expenses. 

$  8,469.12  $40,744,41 

9,494.75  46,451.2 

8,678.09  63.833.56 

17,162.67  73,865.16 

15,611.89  74,944.04 

18,018.61  85,054.45 

27,650.92  81,723.33 

The  above  item  of  $27,650.92  for  1905  under  the  pay  and 
expense  of  County  Boaxd  of  Education,  includes  an  item  of 
$10,599.42  expended  for  taking  the  school  census.  This  is 
an  additional  item  of  expense  added  by  recent  democratic 
legislation,  for  prior  to  1900,  no  school  committeeman  ever 
thought  of  charging  for  taking  the  census  of  the  school 
children  in  his  district,  but  was  glad  to  contribute  that  much 
toward  public  education  in  his  county. 

The  above  table  furnishes  us  interesting  information.  It 
shows  that  County  Superintendents  got  in  1905  more  than 
two  and  one-half  times  as  much  as  they  did  in  1899  and 
1900,  when  the  republicans  were  in  power.  It  shows  that 
the  pay  and  expenses  of  the  County  Boards  of  Education  is 
more  than  twice  what  it  was  at  that  time,  and  to  include 
the  cost  of  taking  the  census  is  more  than  three  times  what 
it  was  in  1899  and  1900,  and  that  "Other  Expenses"  which 
embraced  all  items  of  expense  not  itemized,  has  grown  from 
$40,744.41  to  $81,723.33,  in  the  short  period  of 'five  years, 
under  "Democrratic  good  government!" 


Year 

For  County  Supts 

1899 

$21,175.25 

1900 

21,421.74 

1901 

23,596.85 

1902 

34,483.83 

1903 

39,434.20 

1904 

48,636.61 

1905 

53,024.14 

81 

In  1901  the  number  of  public  schools  taught  was  7,858. 
In  1902  the  number  of  public  schools  taught  was  7,888.  In 
1903  the  number  of  public  schools  taught  was  7,817.  In 
1905  the  number  of  public  schools  taught  was  7,578.  Conse- 
quently there  were  not  more  schools  taught  in  1905  than  in 
1901,  in  fact  fewer  were  taught,  but  the  school  fund  in 
1901  was  $1,119,746.00  and  the  school  term  was  77  days.  In 
1905  the  school  fund  was  $2,308,728.98,  or  more  than  doubled 
and  yet  the  school  term  was  only  85  days.  It  therefore  ap- 
pears that  the  school  fund  in  1905  was  $1,188,982.98  more 
than  in  1901,  and  as  there  was  only  eight  days  more  school 
term,  .it  will  be  seen  that  each  one  of  these  eight  days  cost 
the  tax  payers  of  the  state  the  sum  of  $148,622.87.  We  have 
shown  above  that  the  total  cost  of  a  days  schooling  in  1901 
was  only  $14,500.00,  and  that  in  1898  and  1900  it  was  only 
$14,120.00  per  day,  and  these  eight  days  should  not  have  cost 
the  state  more  than  $113,000.00,  yet  the  above  figures  show 
that  these  eight  days  under  the  economic  management  of  our 
democratic  school  officials,  did  cost  the  state  the  magnificent 
sum  of  $1,188,982.98. 

It  is  not  strange  that  our  state  and  county  officials,  who  get 
the  greater  part  of  these  increased  expenditures,  should  grow 
enthusiastic  over  our  progress  in  education.  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  none  of  this  enthusiasm  comes  from  the  school 
children,  the  teachers,  or  from  the  taxpayers. 

The  total  school  fund  in  1898  was  only  $988,409.11  and  the 
school  term  was  70  days.  Now  if  you  double  this  fund 
should  it  not  give  us  140  days  school  or  seven  months,  yet 
in  1905  this  sum  was  by  increased  taxes,  higher  assessments,, 
loans  and  state  appropriations  more  than  doubled,  and  in- 
stead of  our  school  term  doubling,  we  now  have  only  85 
days  school  and  in  many  counties  less1  than  80,  which  is  the 
constitutional  requirement. 

These  are  strange  figures,  and  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  all 
of  this  vast  sum  has  been  honestly  expended,  and  especially 
since  we  recall  that  there  were  no  more  schools  taugth  in 
the  state,  and  that  the  increase  in  the  salary  of  the  teachers 
did  not  consume  one  tenth  of  this  increased  school  fund. 

Let  us  now  recapitulate  and  make  some  strange  observa- 
tions from  the  figures  we  have  given.  In  1895,  1896,  1897, 
1898  and  1899,  during  the  period  that  the  republicans  were 
in  charge  of  the  schools  of  the  state,  it  cost  the  state  of 
North  Carolina  about  $14,000  a  day  to  run  the  public  schools 


82 
of  the  state.  Under  democratic  rule  in  1902  it  cost  $18,561.- 
50  per  day.  In  1903  it  cost  $19,123.10.  In  1904  it  cost 
$22,367.75  and  in  1905,  it  cost  $25,961.50  per  day  to  run  the 
public  schools  in  North  Carolina  one  day.  In  other  words 
it  cost  the  state  $11,961.50  more  each  day  to  run  the  public 
schools  in  1905  under  democratic  management  than  it  did 
in  1898  under  republican  management. 

Listen  again.  In  1903  we  had  16  and  seven-tenths  weeks 
school  in  the  state,.  In  1904  we  had  17  weeks  school,  and  in 
1905  we  had  only  17  weeks  school.  Now  let  us  see  what  this 
gain  of  three-tenths  of  a  week  or  one  and  one-half  days  cost 
the  state  of  North  Carolina.  In  1903  the  school  fund  was 
$1,584,222.13,  and  in  1904  it  was  $1,901,237.29,  making  the 
increase  in  one  year  $317,015.16,  and  since  this  increase  the 
school  fund  did  not  give  us  but  one  and  one-half  days  more 
school  term.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  cost  per  day  for  this 
increase  was  $211,343.44.  The  official  reports  show  that 
there  were  fewer  schools  taught  in  1904  than  in  1903.  Com- 
paring 1903  with  1905,  we  find  that  the  school  term  is  only 
one  and  one-half  days  longer  in  1905,  yet  the  school  fund  in 
1903  was  $1,584,222.13  and  in  1905,  it  was  $2,308,728.98,  or 
an  increase  of  $724,506.85  in'  the  two  years.  This  increase  is 
nearly  the  total  school  fund  in  1894  when  we  had  64  days 
school,  yet  in  1905,  it  did  not  increase  the  school  term  but 
one  and  one-half  days. 

By  comparing  1904  with  1905  we  find  that  the  school  fund 
increased  in  one  year  $307,591.69,  yet  the  school  term  did  not 
increase  a  day  in  the  state.  Strange  figures  these !  What 
has  been  done  with  the  people's  money?  We  will  leave  it  to 
democratic  politicians  to  explain,  we  cannot.  To  throw  some 
light  on  the  question,  let  us  examine  the  expense  account  of 
the  Republican  administration  and  the  Democratic.  The 
total  expense,  including  salaries  of  county  superintendents, 
County  Institutes,  Treasurers  commissions,  Board  of  Edu- 
cation, and  all  other  purposes  in  1898  was  less  than  $90,000. 
These  same  expenses  in  1903  were  $168,840.21,  and  in  1904 
they  were  $194,007.24,  and  in  1905  were  $199,488.62.  In 
other  words,  the  running  expenses,  money  which  does  not  go 
into  the  schools,  was  over  $109,000  more  in  1905  than  in 
1898. 

These  items  can  be  verified  by  reference  to  the  last  official 
report  issued  from  the  office  of  the  State  Superintendent. 


83 
BRIEF  TARIFF  HISTORY. 

SECRETARY  SHAW. 

Our  political  opponents  quote  Thomas  Jefferson  as  being 
in  favor  of  "equal  rights  for  all  and  special  privileges  for 
none."  I  have  never  been  able  to  verify  the  epigram  as  an 
exact  quotation  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  writings,  but  it  is  quite 
likely  that  he  said  it.  Most  men  before  his  time,  and  most 
men  since,  have  been  willing  to  subscribe  to  the  same  con- 
fession of  faith.  Our  opponents  use  it,  however,  as  an  ex- 
pression from  Jefferson  against  protection,  for  they  insist 
that  all  tariff  laws,  except  for  revenue  only,  are  in  the  nature 
of  class  legislation. 

I  deny  the  proposition.  It  is  no  more  class  legislation  to 
encourage  industry  by  protecting  the  products  of  industry 
from  competition  with  similar  merchandise  purchased  abroad 
than  it  is  class  legislation  to  encourage  agriculture  by  main- 
taining a  Department  of  Agriculture  with  experiment  sta- 
tions and  free  distribution  of  seeds.  It  does  not  come  as 
near  being  class  legislation  as  the  far-reaching  policy  of  re- 
claiming portions  of  the  arid  belt  by  constructing  irrigation 
reservoirs  and  canals  from  the  proceeds  of  public  lands. 

The  American  people,  widely  scattered  though  they  be, 
are  so  intimately  connected  in  their  business  relations  that 
no  locality  and  no  one  industry  can  prosper  except  when  all 
thrive  and  none  can  suffer  except  in  periods  of  universal  de- 
pression. 

Not  for  the  purpose  of  criticising  our  political  opponents 
nor  to  call  in  question  their  intelligence,  but  for  the  purpose 
of  teaching  from  experience  as  recorded  in  the  history  of 
this  country,  do  I  make  the  statement  that  the  Democratic 
party  on  no  previous  occasion  ever  surrendered  control  of 
national  affairs  with  conditions  generally  good  and  as  fav- 
orable as  when  G-rover  Cleveland  retired  from  office  and  Wil- 
liam McKinley  was  inauguated  on  March  4,  1897.  Do  not 
misunderstand  me.  Times  were  good  and  conditions  favor- 
able during  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  administration  for  the 
Senate  remained  Republican  during  his  entire  first  term,  and 
no  tariff  legislation  was  enacted. 

Andrew  Jackson  was  first  elected  President  in  1828,  im- 
mediately following  the  enactment  of  a  protective  tariff  law. 
This  tariff  law  remained  in  force  only  five  years,  but  you 
judge   of  the  beneficial   effects  thereof   from  a  single  para- 


84 
graph  contained  in  the  message  of  President  Jackson  submit- 
ted in  December,  1832.     He  says: 

"Our  country  presents  on  all  sides  marks  of  prosperity 
and  happiness  unequaled  perhaps  in  any  portion  of  the 
world." 

The  next  year,  however,  the  author  of  this  indorsement 
signed  a  tariff  act  which  provided  for  a  biennial  reduction  of 
one-tenth  of  all  duties  in  excess  of  twenty  per  cent,  so  as  to 
reduce  the  rate  on  articles  to  twenty  per  cent,  at  the  expira- 
tion of  ten  years. 

Within  six  years  from  the  passage  of  this  law  public  rev- 
enues had  fallen  off  twenty-five  per  cent. ;  the  Government 
was  again  borrowing  money.  Then  it  was  that  the  country 
entered  upon  the  worst  panic  period  ever  experienced  in 
the  memory  of  any  man  now  living.  This  was  the  famous 
panic  of  1837,  which  continued  with  increasing  intensity 
until  counteracted  shortly  after  the  passage  of  the  protective 
tariff  of  1842,  following  the  victory  of  the  Whig  party. 

If  any  of  you  young  people  doubt  the  severity  of  that 
panic,  go  to  your  library  and  get  Colton's  Life  of  Henry 
Clay.     I  quote  from  it  as  follows : 

"In  Ohio,  with  all  her  abundance,  it  was  hard  to  get  money 
to  pay  taxes.  The  Sheriff  of  Muskingum  County,  as  stated 
in  the  Guernsey  Times,  in  the  summer  of  1842,  sold  at  auction 
ten  hogs  at  6  1-4  cents  each;  two  horses  at  $2  each,  and  two 
cows  at  $1  each.  In  Pike  County,  Missouri,  as  stated  by  the 
Hannibal  Journal,  the  sheriff  sold  three  horses  at  $1.50  each; 
one  large  ox  at  12  1-2  cents;  five  cows,  two  steers,  and  one 
calf,  the  lot  at  $3.25 ;  twenty  sheep  at  13  1-2  cents  each,  and 
twenty-four  hogs,  the  lot  at  25  cents." 

The  protective  tariff  law  passed  by  the  Whig  party  in 
1842,  remained  in  force  four  years,  and  I  can  furnish  no  bet- 
ter evidence  of  its  beneficial  effect  than  to  quote  from  the 
message  of  President  Polk  submitted  to  Congress  in  1846 : 

"Labor  in  all  its  branches  is  receiving  ample  reward;  while 
education,  science,  and  the  arts  are  rapidly  enlarging  the 
means  of  social  happiness.  The  progress  of  our  country  in 
her  career  of  greatness,  not  only  in  the  vast  extension  of  her 
population,  but  in  the  resources  and  wealth  and  in  the  happy 
condition  of  our  people,  is  without  an  example  in  the  history 
of  nations." 

This  transition  from  the  lowest  ebb  of  financial  disaster 
to  a  high  plane  of  industrial  prosperity  brought  about  by  the 
Whig  tariff  of  1842,  as  certified  to  by  President  Polk,  bears 


85 
striking  resemblance  to  the  result  wrought  by  the  Dingley 
tariff,  which  found  three  million  men  out  of  employment, 
their  families  touched  with  hunger  and  clothed  in  rags,  and 
in  four  years  set  them  all  again  at  work,  and  made  fitting 
and  appropriate  the  sign  which  swings  above  an  employment 
agency  in  Pittsburg. — "Al  kinds  of  work  for  all  kinds  of 
people. ' ' 

It  seems,  however,  that  he  people  were  even  less  able  to 
bear  continued  prosperity  then  than  now,  for  the  Democratic 
Party  was  successful  in  1844,  electing  James  K.  Polk,  of  Ten- 
nessee, and  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  platform 
was  equivocal  and  campaign  speeches  more  so.  In  Pennsyl- 
vania and  perhaps  some  other  States  the  cry  was  "Polk, 
Dallas,  and  the  tariff  of  '42."  In  other  States  where  pro- 
tection was  supposed  to  be  unpopular,  it  was  "Polk,  Dallas, 
and  free  trade."  The  Democratic  Party  secured  at  that 
election  complete  control,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  ma- 
terially lower  the  tariff  by  the  enactment  of  what  is  known  as 
the  "Walker  Bill  which  was  passed  in  1846.  The  Senate 
was  about  equally  divided,  and  in  that  body  debate  became 
most  interesting.  Daniel  Webster  spoke  against  the  bill  for 
three  days,  and  that  you  may  understand  how  that  great 
statesman  viewed  the  effect  of  a  protective  tariff  upon  labor, 
I  quote  from  his  speech: 

"And,  sir,  take  this  great  truth;  place  it  on  the  title  page 
of  every  book  of  political  economy  intended  for  the  use  of 
the  United  States;  put  it  in  every  farmer's  alamnac;  let 
it  be  the  heading  of  the  column  of  every  mechanics'  maga- 
zine; proclaim  it  everywhere,  and  make  it  a  proverb  that 
where  there  is  work  for  the  hands  of  men  there  will  be  work 
for  their  teeth.  Employment  feeds  and  clothes  and  in- 
structs. Employment  gives  health,  sobriety,  and  morals.  Con- 
stant employment  and  well-paid  labor  produce,  in  a  country 
like  ours,  general  prosperity,  content  and  cheerfulness." 

The  Democratic  Party  was  not  a  unit  in  its  favor,  however. 
Senator  John  M.  Niles,  of  Connecticut,  a  Democrat,  made  an 
important  speech  which  would  be  applicable  now  as  it  was 
applicable  then.  It  had  been  said  by  those  who  spoke  in 
favor  of  the  bill  that  a  protective  tariff  created  monopoly 
and  enabled  those  benefited  thereby  to  demand  extortionate 
prices.  In  other  words,th  e  same  argument  was  used  against 
the  tariff  then  as  is  used  against  the  tariff  now.  In  Senator 
Niles 's'  speech  against  his  party's  determination  to  interfere 


86 
with  the  then  prosperous  condition  of  the  country  by  low- 
ering the  tariff,  he  used  this  language: 

"Why  disturb  the  business  and  pursuits  of  the  people? 
Why  unnecessarily  agitate  and  alarm  the  country?  *  *  * 
I  have  again  and  again  asked  for  the  reasons  for  passing  this 
bill  at  this  time,  and  could  get  no  response,  no  reason.  We 
now  have  one  and  what  is  it?  Why,  to  curtail  the  profits 
of  the  large  and  wealthy  manufacturers.  But,  sir,  the  fact 
is  assumed;  there  is  no  evidence  as  to  those  large  profits. 
But,  admitting  it  to  be  so,  will  not  competition  correct  the 
evils?  Will  it  not  bring  down  these  enormous  values?  With 
an  enterprising  people  like  ours,  will  there  not  be  enough  to 
rush  into  any  business  which  affords  such  enormous  profits: 
But  is  not  this  something  new?  Is  it  not  a  strange  reason? 
Can  any  example  be  found  in  the  history  of  the  world  of  a 
legislature  passing  laws  to  arrest  the  prosperity  of  the  count- 
ry, or  to  reduce  the  profits  of  any  particular  class  of  citizens 
in  a  pursuit  open  to  all?  Certainly,  sir,  this  must  be  the 
great  measure  of  the  age,  when  we  consider  the  great  good  it 
is  to  effect;  when  it  is  to  stop  individuals  from  getting  rich 
too  fast,  and  to  check  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 

"The  Senator  says  it  will  not  affect  the  laborers,  the  me- 
chanics, nor  the  small  manufacturers.  Now,  how  does  he 
know  this?  I  tell  him  he  is  mistaken;  those  are  the  very 
men  on  whom  the  blow  will  fall.  You  may  diminish  the 
profits  of  the  large  establishments  some,  but  you  can  not 
crush  them.  They  can  stand  by  warding  off  the  blow,  and 
transferring  the  sacrifice  to  others.  They  have  hundreds,  and 
some  thousands,  of  laborers  in  their  employ,  and  they  will 
save  themselves  by  reducing  the  wages  of  those  in  their  em- 
ploy.    The  blow  then  falls  directly  upon  the  laborers. 

"But  how  is  it  with  the  mechanics  and  small  manufactur- 
ers? Those  who  do  their  own  work,  and  perhaps  employ  a 
few  apprentices  ?  They  must  sustain  the  sacrifice  themselves. 
They  will  not  be  able  to  sustain  a  competition  with  the  large 
establishments.  But  why  is  this  experiment  to  be  tried? 
To  see  how  much  reduction  labor  will  bear?  Is  it  to  carry 
out  a  theory?  Is  it  to  test  the  cold,  heartless  miserable  theo- 
ry of  free  trade?" 

And  now  comes  the  interesting  part  of  the  controversy 
as  it  relates  to  North  Carolina.  Rather  than  vote  for  a  bill 
that  would  close  the  New  England  factories  which  consumed 
cotton  and  furnished  employment  for  labor  in  its  conversion 


87 
into  fabrics  with  which  toclothe  American  people,  Senator 
William  H.  Haywood,  of  this  State,  resigned  his  seat  and  re- 
tired to  private  life.  He  did  not  see  his  way  clear  to  vote 
against  his  party,  and  he  would  not  vote  for  what  he  be- 
lieved to  be  a  vicious  bill. 

In  Senator  Haywood's  address  to  the  people  of  his  State 
while  describing  the  effect  of  tariff  legislation  of  the  pending 
character  he  used  this  language: 

"Infant  factories  are  destroyed  by  the  hand  of  legisla- 
tion, and  the  older  and  more  mature  establishments  are  com- 
pelled to  diminish  their  operations  forthwith  and  consequent- 
ly discharge  a  number  of  their  laborers  and  reduce  the  wages 
of  all.  The  laborers  suffer  more  than  the  owners  because 
they  are  less  able  to  bear  it.  The  sudden  loss  of  work  will 
be  to  many  of  them  and  their  families  a  loss  of  food  and 
raiment;  and  that  for  which  the  law  maker  is  commanded 
to  pray — his  daily  bread — he  thus  rudely  takes  by  law  from 
the  workingman  of  his  country." 

The  resignation  of  Senator  Haywood  left  the  opponents 
of  the  bill  in  control  in  the  Senate,  which  would  have  defeat- 
ed the  measure  had  not  Senator  Spencer  Jarnagin,  of  Ten- 
nessee, deemed  himself  bound  by  a  resolution  of  the  legis- 
lature of  his  State  to  vote  against  his  convictions  and  for 
the  bill. 

The  friends  of  free  trade  and  tariff  for  revenue  only  have 
always  cited  conditions  following  the  enactment  of  the  Walk- 
er Bill,  the  law  of  1846,  in  proof  of  their  position  that  good 
times  are  possible  with  low  tariff  laws  in  force. 

The  Mexican  War,  the  Crimean  War,  and  the  discovery  of 
gold  in  California  delayed  ruin  longer  than  usual  after  such 
reduction  in  the  tariff,  but  some  conception  of  its  ultimate 
effect  can  be  gleaned  from  the  fact  that  in  little  more  than  a 
decade  revenues  had  fallen  so  far  below  expenditures,  that 
the  Government  was  again  forced  to  borrow  money  as  it  did 
the  preceding  period  of  Democratic  supremacy.  Its  effect 
upon  labor  is  graphically  expressed  in  an  address  by  unem- 
ployed men  made  to  the  Mayor  of  New  York  city  on  Jan- 
uary 6,  1855.     Listen  to  their  cry : 

"We  do  not  come  as  beggars,  but  we  ask  what  we  deem 
right.  We  ask  not  alms,  but  work.  We  don't  want  a,  little 
soup  /now,  and  cast-loff  clothing  to-morrow.^  But  we  do 
want  work  and  the  means  of  making  an  honest  livelihood.  The 
condition  of  the  working  classes  is  most  piteous.     They  want 


88 
bread.     Is  there  not  enough  in  the  city?     They  want  clothes. 
Is  there  none  made  nowadays?" 

On  January  15th  of  that  year  Horace  Greeley,  in  an  edi- 
torial in  the  Tribune  describes  a  pitiable  sight  in  this  lan- 
guage : 

"Who  is  hungry?  Go  and  see.  You  that  are  full-fed  and 
know  not  what  it  is  to  be  hungry — perhaps  never  saw  a  hun- 
gry man — go  and  see.  Go  and  see  the  thousands  of  men  and 
women,  boys  and  girls,  old  and  young,  black  and  white,  of 
all  nations,  crowding  and  jostling  each  other,  almost  fight- 
ing for  a  first  chance,  acting  more  like  hungry  wolves  than 
human  beings  in  a  land  of  plenty,  waiting  till  the  food  is 
ready  for  distribution.  Such  a  scene  may  be  seen  every  day 
between  eleven  and  two  o'clock  around  the  corner  of  Orange 
and  Chatham  Streets,  where  charity  gives  a  dinner  to  the 
poor,  and  soup  and  bread  to  others  to  carry  to  their  miser- 
able families." 

He  then  cites  several  other  places  in  the  same  ward  where 
over  six  thousand  were  fed  by  charity  every  day,  and  says  the 
same  thing  was  going  on  all  over  the  city. 

The  next  Democratic  tariff  was  the  Wilson-Gorman  law 
passed  during  Mr.  Cleveland's  last  administration.  If  you 
do  not  personally  remember  the  effect  of  this  tariff  reduction 
upon  commerce  and  industrial  conditions,  ask  your  older 
brother.     He  will  remember. 

I  presume  you  have  been  told,  for  it  has  been  many  times 
said,  that  the  panic  of  the  nineties  came  without  cause,  and 
bore  no  relation  whatever  to  threatened  economic  legislation 
or  actual  enactment  thereof.  Doubtless  your  attention  has 
been  called  to  the  fact  that  times  remained  good  during  Mr. 
Cleveland's  first  administration,  and  this  has  been  cited  to 
prove  that  it  is  immaterial  which  party  controls  the  affairs 
of  the  Government,  so  long  as  the  men  in  office  are  honest 
and  are  doing  the  best  they  can.  Let  me  remind  you  that 
during  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  administration  the  Senate  re- 
mained Republican  and  no  tariff  legislation,  though  earnest- 
ly urged  by  Mr.  Cleveland,  was  enacted.  The  House,  be- 
ing Democratic,  passed  the  Mills  Bill,  but  the  Senate  re- 
fuesd  to  concur,  and  thereby  saved  the  country  from  disaster 
such  as  always  has  followed  and  always  must  follow,  the 
enactment  of  a  tariff  law  for  revenue  only.  Grover  Cleve- 
land was  a  free  trader  when  first  elected  President  and  he 
has  remained  a  free  trader  from  that  time  till  now.     I  do  not 


89 

censure  him  for  his  belief.  Other  good  and  patriotic  men 
have  believed  the  samething.  Other  men  with  bright  intel- 
lects have  failed  to  analyze  the  question  and  appreciate  the 
relation  between  constant  employment  for  the  wage  earner 
and  continued  prosperity  for  those  who  supply  the  wants  as 
well  as  the  needs  of  the  well  paid  artisans.  Other  men  of 
learning  have  failed  to  understand  cause  and  effect  as  shown 
in  the  record  of  our  material  growth  and  development. 

The  question  for  you  young  men  to  decide  is  not  the  rel- 
ative intellect,  the  relative  erudition,  the  relative  wisdom,  or 
the  relative  patriotism  of  Grove  r  Cleveland  and  Wm.  Mc- 
Kinley.  It  does  involve,  however,  the  relative  merits  of 
the  two  schools  of  economics,  the  one  protection  for  Amer- 
ican labor,  the  other,  free  trade,  or  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

SELF  GOVERNMENT. 

SECRETARY  SHAW. 

Self-Government  is  the  severest  task  which  God  in  his  wis- 
dom ever  placed  upon  his  children.  It  took  six  thousand 
years  to  develope  a  people  into  whose  hands  He  dared  commit 
their  own  political  affairs.  The  thought  expressed  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  that  governments  are  instituted 
among  men  for  the  purpose  of  securing  to  all  certain  in- 
alienable rights,  and  that  they  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  was  a  novel  and  unheard  of 
pronouncement.  Ancient  history,  and  much  that  is  modern, 
conveys  the  idea  that  people  exist  for  the  sake  of  the  govern- 
ment. That  a  government  should  exist  for  the  benefit  and 
in  aid  of  the  people,  is  a  comparatively  modern  conception. 
Even  now  its  theoretical  recognition  is  far  more  prevalent 
throughout  the  world  than  its  practical  application. 

Not  all  republics  in  name  are  republics  in  fact.  In  several 
those  who  have  secured  the  executive  chair  by  force  of  arms 
outnumber  several  fold  those  who  have  been  elected  to  the 
office  of  President.  Go  put  your  finger  on  the  map,  and 
chances  are  you  will  find  a  people  unprepared  for  self-gov- 
ernment. 

When  our  constitution  was  adopted,  the  world  doubted 
the  wisdom  of  the  experiment.  The  world  did  not  believe 
it  possible  than  men  differing  in  political  thought  would 
walk  side  by  side  to  the  polls,  and  there  in  peace  cast  op- 
posing ballots,  and  then  each  demand  for  the  other  the  same 
integrity  of  count  as  he  asks  for  himself.     In  other  words, 


90 
they  thought  this  people,  like  so  many  others,  would  prove  in- 
sufficient in  self-poise  and  self-restraint  to  maintain  and  ex- 
ercise self-government. 

Statecraft  is  not  an  exact  science,  nor  is  it  a,  natural  at- 
tribute of  the  race.  Neither  would  popular  or  univerasl 
scholastic  attainments  prove  a  complete  guarantee  of  capac- 
ity for  self-government.  We  send  our  children  to  the  schools 
and  spend  much  money  in  their  education,  in  the  hope  that 
in  after  years  they  may  be  able  to  protect  themselves  in  the 
market  places.  I  declare  to  you  that  if  the  American  people 
shall  continue  a  great  self-governing,  self-governed  people, 
they  must  spend  some  time  in  the  study  of  statecraft. 

We  are  a  busy  people — intensely  busy.  We  are  physi- 
cally and  mentally  active — intensely  active.  Our  thoughts 
our  efforts  and  our  dreams  are  contralized  on  our  personal 
affairs — intensely  centralized.  We  are  benevolent  and  even 
altruistic  in  our  affections  and  in  the  play  of  our  religious 
emotions,  but  we  plan  and  execute  for  ourselves  and  for  our- 
selves alone.  About  the  only  time  we  study  statecraft  is 
during  a  political  campaign,  and  not  always  then  are  our 
thoughts  directed  to  public  questions  and  to  analyses  of  the 
principles  underlying  the  administration  of  national  affairs. 
Would  it  be  safe  to  say  that  we  place  too  great  value  on 
candidates  and  underestimate  the  importance  of  the  principles 
of  the  parties  as  outlined  in  their  platforms  and  exempli- 
fied in  their  records?  Candidates  are  relatively  nothing  as 
compared  to  the  principles  of  the  parties  they  represent. 

In  a  republic  like  this,  government  of  necessity  must  be 
by  parties  rather  than  by  individuals.  We  read  that  in 
olden  times  certain  countries  prospered — advanced — under 
the  rulership  of  this  monarch  and  that  emperor,  and  lan- 
guished— retrograded — under  the  reign  of  others.  We  know 
that  his  country  has  prospered  during  certain  periods,  and 
that  it  has  languished — retrograded — during  other  periods. 
Why?  Can  the  cause  be  traced  to  the  chief  executive?  Per- 
haps so  in  a  limited  degree.  Can  it  be  traced  primarily  to 
the  party  in  power?  I  think  it  can  both  primarily  and  prin- 
cipally. 

Was  it  by  accident  that  Israel  grew  fat  under  David  and 
went  to  pieces  under  Ahab?  Was  it  by  accident  that  Russia 
prospered  under  the  reign  of  Peter  the  Great,  or  that  she 
has  not  always  prospered  since?  Was  it  by  accident  that 
1892  was  the  best  year  this  country  had  then  ever  seen,  and 


91 

that  two  years  later  we  were  in  the  midst  of  financial  ruin? 
Is  it  by  accident  that  we  are  now  more  prosperous  than  ever 
before  in  the  history  of  our  country,  or  ever  before  in  the  his- 
tory of  any  country? 

The  principles  that  control  our  national  prosperity  and 
advancement  can  be  as  well  defined  as  those  which  determine 
the  well  being  of  an  individual.  There  are  principles  and 
policies,  which,  if  put  in  operation  in  the  store,  in  the  bank, 
in  the  factory,  on  the  farm,  will  in  the  swing  of  years 
bring  satisfactory  results.  And  there  are  principles  or  the 
want  of  a  principle,  policies  and  plans  or  the  absence  of 
them,  that  will  Math  equal  certainty  bring  disaster  to  the 
store,  to  the  bank,  to  the  factory  and  to  the  farm.  It  is 
likewise  true  that  there  are  principles,  policies,  which,  if  put 
in  operation  in  national  affairs  always  have  brought,  and  al- 
ways will  and  always  must  bring,  favorable  results.  Not 
always  in  the  same  degree  any  more  than  wise  policies  will 
bring  each  year  the  same  degree  of  success  in  the  store  and  the 
same  per  cent,  of  dividend  in  the  bank;  but  in  the  swing  of 
years  correct  policies  will  bring  satisfactory  results  in  both 
private  and  public  affairs.  This  is  so,  not  because  they  are 
advocated  by  wise  men,  or  because  they  are  applied  by  good 
men,  but  because  they  are  correct.  There  are  policies  also 
which,  if  put  in  operation  in  public  affairs,  always  have 
brought,  always  will  and  always  must  bring,  in  the  swing  of 
years  disaster.  This  is  so  not  because  they  are  advocated  in 
ignorance,  nor  because  they  are  applied  in  dishonesty,  but 
because  they  are  correct.  Incorrect  policies  can  never  bring 
correct  results. 

Have  I  been  talking  platitudes?  In  exactly  the  same 
sense  and  to  the  same  degree  is  it  platitudinous  to  say  that 
there  are  correct  and  incorrect  ways  of  managing  government- 
al affairs  as  it  is  platitudinous  to  tell  the  young  man  in 
the  business  college,  the  young  man  in  the  factory,  the  young 
man  in  the  bank  and  the  boy  on  the  farm  that  there  are  cor- 
rect and  incorrect  ways  of  managing  private  affairs. 

Let  me  emphasize  the  fact  that  it  is  of  vastly  more  impor- 
tance to  know  along  what  lines,  and  in  harmony  with  what 
principles,  the  applicants  for  public  honors  will  proce-ed, 
than  it  is  to  know  the  physical  or  mental  make-up  of  the 
men  themselves. 

Do  you  say  that  wise  men  will  manage  the  government 
wisely?     Yes,  but  only  to  the  same  extent  that  wise  men  will 


92 
manage  your  bank  wisely.  When  you  seek  a  cashier,  you  do 
not  advertise  for  a  wise  man  or  simply  for  a  good  man.  You 
sieek  one  schooled  in  correct  banking  principles.  Vastly 
more  banks  are  wrecked  because  of  incompetency  than  from 
dishonesty.  This  country  has  never  suffered — it  has  occa- 
sionally lost  slightly — but  it  has  never  suffered  from  dishon- 
esty. It  has  suffered,  however,  and  our  people  have  walked 
the  streets  hungry  and  in  rags  because  of  incompetency.  I 
am  here  to  say  to  you  that  we  need  and  must  have  men  school- 
ed in  correct  political  principles  to  manage  national  affairs, 
and  that  we  also  need  an  aggregation  of  such  men,  for  in 
the  absence  of  co-operation  along  given  lines  between  the 
legislative  and  the  administrative  branches  of  the  government 
we  will  have  incoherency  instead  of  constructive  statesman- 
ship. We  must  place  a  political  party  in  power  as  distin- 
guished from  putting  politicians  in  office. 

Now,  if  I  have  made  myself  clear  that  politics  is  not  a 
squabble  for  office,  but  a  contest  between  principles  represent- 
ed by  opposing  parties,  then  I  am  ready  to  discuss  the  cor- 
rectness and  incorrectness  of  party  principles. 

THE  FOLLY  OF    GOVERNMENT    OWNER- 
SHIP. 


Sceretary  Shaw  replying  to  Mr.  Bryan's  Declaration  in  favor 
of  Government  Ownership  said  at  Memhpis  Tenn.  Sept  16. 


Of  his  speech  four  columns  out  of  a  total  seven,  are  devotei 
to  trusts,  in  which  term,  in  its  comprehensive  sense,  he  in- 
cludes railroad  abuses  and  even  the  protective  tariff.  Dis- 
missing three  and  one-half  columns  of  sympathy  expressed 
for  a  corporation  beridden  people  and  of  anathemas  hurled 
against  predatory  capital,  and  confining  myself  to  the  scant 
one-half  column  wherein  he  mentions  rather  than  discusses 
measures  of  relief,  I  find  this  sentence :  ' ' We  must  not 
quarrel  over  remedies."  He  then  suggests  that  something 
may  be  expected  from  the  enforcement  of  the  criminal  pro- 
visions of  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law.  While  the  effect  of  a 
criminal  conviction,  followed  by  imprisonment,  is  always 
wholesome,  it  is  well  for  us  who  analyze  the  practicability 
of  proposed  remedies  to  remember  that  the  civil  provisions  of 
the  anti-trust  law  can  be  established  and  enforced  by  a  mere 
preponderance  of  evidence,  while  no  punishment  for  crime 


93 

can  be  imposed  until  the  essential  facts  constituting  the  crime 
are  proven  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt  as  found  and  returned 
in  the  verdict  of  the  jury.  The  difficulty  in  enforcing  the 
Sherman  act  does  not  lie  so  much  in  applying  its  previous 
after  the  case  has  been  proven  as  in  obtaining  evidence  suf- 
ficient to  prove  the  case. 

He  then  boldly  states  that  the  enforcement  of  existing  laws 
is  not  sufficient,  and  adds,  ' '  The  Democratic  Party  must  be 
prepared  to  propose  new  and  efficient  legislation,"  and  pro- 
ceeds to ,  suggest  what  has  often  been  suggested  before : 

"It  is  worth  while,"  he  says,  "to  consider  whether  a  blow 
may  not  be  struck  at  trusts  by  a  law  making  it  illegal  for  the 
same  person  to  act  as  director  and  officer  of  two  corporations 
which  deal  with  each  other  or  are  engaged  in  the  same  general 
business. ' ' 

I  suppose  he  means  to  say  that  if  I  should  buy  a  portion  of 
the  wonderful  iron  ore  beds  of  Alabama,  or  of  the  matchless 
one  of  the  matchless  marble  deposits  of  Colorado,  or  of  the  coal 
of  Wyoming,  or  of  oil  lands  in  Texas,  and  for  their  develop- 
ment should  build  a  railroad,  having  promoted  both  enterprises 
and  having  invested  money  in  each,  I  should  not  be  permitted 
to  be  a  director  in  more  than  one.  It  is  one  thing  to  limit  a 
common  carrier  to  the  particular  line  of  business  for  which 
it  was  primarily  organized,  as  is  done  in  the  rate  bill  enact- 
ed at  last  session  of  Congress,  and  quite  another  thing  to 
restrict  what  some  understand  to  be  the  natural  right  of  the 
individual  to  invest  his  money  wherever  he  pleases,  provided 
only  he  does  not  interfere  with  or  restrict  the  rights  and  pri- 
vileges of  others,  and  then,  having  made  the  investment,  to 
stand  guard  over  it.  Andrew  Carnegie  is  quoted  as  advising 
one  to  put  all  his  wages  in  one  basket  and  then  watch  that 
basket.  Colonel  Bryan  is  the  first,  so  far  as  I  know,  to  ad- 
vocate a  law  forbidding  one  to  put  eggs  in  two  baskets  and 
then  watch  both. 

JEFFERSON'S  TEACHINGS. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  on  whose  teachings  Democrats  once 
claimed  their  party  to  have  been  founded,  incorporated  into 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  proposition  that  "the 
pursuit  of  happiness"  is  an  inalienable  right.  Not  until 
happiness  is  pursed  in  a  way  which  interferes  with  the  rights 
and  happiness  of  another  should  such  pursuits  be  restrained. 
Notwithstanding  Mr.  Bryan's  statement,  made  in  the  same 


94 
connection,  that  most  corporations  are  conducting  their  affairs 
in  a  legitimate  manner  he  would  legislate  against  the  many  in 
the  hope  of  preventng  improper  conduct  on  the  part  of  a 
few.  If  he  had  one  kicking  colt  I  suppose  he  would  ham- 
string his  whole  drove. 

Pardon  the  suggestion  that  the  eloquent  traveler,  having 
been  for  some  years  largely  occupied  in  the  discharge  of  other 
than  executive,  administrative,  judicial,  or  even  legislative 
functions,  may  have  omitted  carefully  to  study  and  analyze 
existing  laws.  If  a  person  becomes  a  director  in  even  one 
concern,  say  nothing  of  two,  with  intent  to  monopolize  a  pro- 
duct and  control  the  price  thereof  to  the  prejudice  of  others 
engaged  in  the  same  line  of  business,  he  violates  both  the  civil 
and  criminal  provisions  of  the  existing  Sherman  law.  Pro- 
hibiting a  man  from  doing  an  innocent  thing  in  an  innocent 
way  appears  to  me  to  be  an  unnecessarily  drastic  method  of 
preventing  on  objectionable  thing  already  prohibited  by  ex- 
isting statutes  and  easily  enforced  when  the  essential  facts 
can  be  proved. 

Mr.  Bryan  then  reverts  to  the  Democratic  platform  of  1900, 
and  announces  "as  a  still  more  far-reaching  remedy,"  a  law 
requiring  corporations  to  take  out  a  Federal  license  before 
engaging  in  inter-State  commerce,  and  adds  that  this  remedy 
is  simple  and  easily  applied. ' '     He  further  says : 

"It  is  far  easier  to  prevent  a  monopoly  than  to  watch  it  and 
punish  it,  and  this  prevention  can  be  acomplished  in  a  pract- 
ical way  by  refusing  a  license  to  any  corporation  which  con- 
trols more  than  a  certain  proportion  of  the  total  product; 
this  proportion  to  be  arbitarrily  fixed  at  a  point  which  will 
give  free  operation  to  competition." 

Thus  he  has  found  a  remedy  which  he  asserts  is  "simple 
and  easily  applied,"  and  one  that  will  "accomplish  the  pre- 
vention of  monopoly."  He  spurns  the  thought  of  controll- 
ing, curbing  or  restraining  the  evil,  but  proposes  a  single  en- 
actment absolutely  to  exterminate  the  last  suggestion  of  rav- 
age on  the  part  of  predatory  capital.  Will  his  panacea  stand 
analysis?     Let  us  see. 

Some  years  ago  my  attention  was  called  to  what  was  then 
at  least  supposed  to  be  the  salt  trust.  Whether  I  was  right- 
ly informed  or  not  affects  in  no  degree  the  value  of  the  al- 
leged conditionns  as  an  illustration.  I  was  told  that  a  cor- 
poration of  large  capitalization  had  contracted  for  the  entire 
output  of  all  the  salt  works  of  Michigan,  and  of  all  the  salt 


95 
works  of  New  York,  and  of  all  the  salt  works  of  every  other 
State. 

I  assume  that  if  a  corporation  thus  owning  or  con- 
trolling an  entire  product  should  make  application  for  a  Fed- 
eral license  under  Mr.  Bryan's  sure-cure-law  it  would  be 
promptly  denied.  If  refused  a  license  it  could  not  engage  in 
inter-State  commerce,  and  could  not  thereafter  ship  salt  to 
Tennessee.  But  the  people  of  Tennessee  would  still  need  salt. 
What  would  you  do?  Let  me  suggest  that  possibly  Jones  or 
some  one  else  could  be  induced  to  buy  a  car  load  or  so  de- 
liverable at  one  of  the  warehouses  of  the  trust  situated  at 
some  one  of  the  salt  works.  Jones,  of  course,  could  ship  salt 
to  Tennessee,  for  no  individual  can  be  discriminated  against 
simply  because  he  buys  salt  of  a  trust.  The  result  would  be 
that  the  people  of  Tennessee  would  get  the  same  salt  with 
this  difference,  slight  though  it  might  be.  of  an  additional 
profit  to  Jones.  The  danger  would  be  that  Jones  being  the 
only  man  with  a  carload  of  salt  in  the  State  might  turn 
predatory  capitalist  himself  and  demand  an  unusally  large 
profit.  This  danger  would  be  increased  if  he  should  secure 
an  exclusive  contract  from  the  trust.  Let  us  hope  for  the 
best. 

WOULD  EMBARRASS  INDUSTRY. 

Two  or  three  years  ago  I  started  at  5  o'clock  one  morning, 
from  Deadwood,  South  Dakota,  went  thirty  miles  by  train, 
and  walked  eigth  to  see  a  tin  mine.  It  was  said  to  be  the  only 
workable  deposit  of  tin  ever  discovered  in  the  United  States. 
If  this  is  true,  then  one  corporation  controls  the  entire  out- 
put of  tin  in  the  United  States,  and  would  of  course  be  denied 
a  Federal  license  and  could  not,  under  Mr.  Bryan's  sure- 
cure-law,  engage  in  inter-State  commerce.  Equally  embar- 
assed  would  be  every  other  new  industry,  whether  it  be  the 
production  of  newly  discovered  metal  like  tin  on  nickle .  or 
the  growth  of  some  new  fruit  or  creal,  or  the  manufacture  of 
some  newly  patented  device.  '  'A  license  should  be  refused, ' ' 
says  Mr.  Bryan,  to  any  corporation  which  controls  more  than 
a  certain  proportion  of  the  total  product." 
Some  corporation  is  quite  certain  to  control  for  a  time  the 
entire  product  in  every  new  industry. 

Colonel  Bryan's  panacea  may  sound  well  in  a  democratic 
platform,  at  first  blush  it  does  not  appear  quite  so  inviting  as 
a  part  of  the  statue  law  of  the  land. 


96 

Before  the  remedy  afforded  by  Federal  license  can  be  ap- 
plied either  by  refusal  to  grant  or  by  cancellation  after  it  has 
been  granted,  manifestly  will  be  found  necessary  to  establish 
the  fact  by  competent  evidence  that  the  concern  actually  con- 
trolls  or  is  seeking  to  control  such  portion  of  a  commodity, 
whatever  it  may  be,  as  well  permit  it  at  least  to  influence  if 
not  dictate  the  price.  Under  our  jurisprudence  no  law  can 
be  passed  that  does  not  require  the  establishment  of  certain 
facts  as  a  prerequisite  to  its  enforcement.  The  Sherman  anti- 
trust law  has  seldom,  if  ever,  been  found  inadequate  when 
there  has  been  evidence  sufficient  to  prove  the  monopolistic 
character  of  the  methods  employed  by  corporations  engaged 
in  inter-State  commerce.  Finding  it  difficult  to  obtain  the 
necessary  proof  to  make  the  existing  anti-trust  law  in  all  cases 
effective,  the  Republican  party  created  the  bureau  of  cor- 
porations, which  I  regret  to  observe,  Mr.  Bryan  has  no  word 
of  praise,  but  which  has  been  found  very  efficient  in  securing 
evidence  with  which  to  establish  the  facts  on  which  to  apply 
the  law. 

Colonel  Bryan's  comparison  between  the  present  effective 
prohibition  of  the  transmission  of  lottery  tickets  through  the 
mails,  or  by  express  or  freight,  with  proposed  legislation  pro- 
hibiting the  transportation  of  trust  produced  merchandise, 
apepars  to  me  to  have  been  illconsidered.  It  ought  not  to 
be  necessary  to  cite  to  an  intelligent  audience  the  fact  that 
a  lottery  ticket  shows  on  its  face  what  it  is,  while  it  requires 
evidence  to  show  that  a  can  of  meat  or  a  box  of  cigars  or  a 
barrel  of  oil  was  produced  by  a  monopoly. 

The  returned  champion  of  a  new  civilization  then  reverts 
to  railroad  abuses,  and  recommends  that  all  trunk  lines  be 
acquired  and  managed  by  public  officials,  and  local  lines  by 
the  several  states.  "In  those  States  where  the  people  are 
ripe  for  change,"  he  says,  "the  local  lines  can  be  purchased 
or  new  lines  built  at  once."  He  frankly  admits  that  the 
American  people  may  not  be  ready  for  government  ownership 
of  trunk  lines  and  State  ownership  of  local  lines,  but  he 
thinks  both  necessary  and  inevitable.  He  is  not  sure  that 
a  majority  of  his  own  party  yet  favors  such  a  revolutionary 
measure,  and  he  thus  holds  out  to  his  political  associates  the 
hope  that  he  may  consent  that  the  platform  on  which  he  is 
soon  to  make  his  third  campaign  shall  be  silent  on  that 
subject.  He  does  not  intimate,  however,  that  he  will  consent 
to  be  himself  silent  on  the  subject  after  the  convention  ad- 


97 

journs  and  certainly  not  during  his  term  of  office,  if  he  should 
be  elected.  Having  received  popular  endorsement  at  the 
polls,  even  though  his  known  views  were  suppressed  as  much 
as  possible,  he  sees  the  possibility  of  teaching  the  people  from 
his  thus  enlarged  form  during  his  first  term  that  he  can  win 
a  second  term  on  the  main  issue. 

In  his  zeal  to  criticize  recent  legislation  Colonel  Bryan  points 
out  a  possible  danger  applicable,  however,  to  the  new  oredr 
of  things  which  he  recommends  quite  as  much  as  to  the  rate 
bill  aginst  which  he  directs  it. 

"If  an  appointive  board  has  the  power,"  he  says,  "to 
fix  rate  and  can  by  the  exercise  of  that  power  increase  or 
decrease  by  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  the  annual  rev- 
enues of  the  railroads  will  not  the  railroads  feel  that  they 
have  a  large  pecuniary  interest  in  the  election  of  a  Presi- 
dent friendly  to  the  railroads'?"  If  he  were  wholly  frank,  he 
might  have  said,  and  with  greater  force,  "if  an  appointive 
board,  removable  by  the  Executive,  can  fix  rates,  and  by  the 
exercise  of  that  power  increase  or  decrease  by  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  the  revenues  of  the  railroad,  and  can  also 
increase  or  decrease,  to  the  limit  of  judicial  forbearance,  the 
rates  to  be  paid  by  each  and  every  community  between  the 
seas  may  not  some  Executive  who  is  both  ambitious  and  un- 
scrupulous, by  the  exercise  of  that  imperialistic  power,  per- 
petuate himself  in  office  to  the  day  of  his  death,  and  then  in 
effect  bequeath  to  whom  he  will?"  Possibly  it  was  in  part 
to  prevent  a  contingency  like  this,  then,  perchance,, 
some  man  of  the  type  I  have  described,  shall  be  elected 
President,  a  somewhat  liberal  court  view  was  provided  for 
in  the  rate  bill. 

Unless  Colonel  Bryan's  fear's  that  some  chief  executive- 
may  abuse  the  discretion  lodged  with  him  under  the  rate  bill 
are  groundless,  then  what  might  we  not  fear  should  the 
nearly  ten  thousand  officials  and  nearly  a  million  operatives 
of  trunk  lines  of  road  be  made  either  subject  to  executive 
appointment  or  placed  under  civil  service,  subject  to  exe- 
cutive removal  for  captious  cause,  or  retention  regardless  of 
inefficiency  ? 

MORE  THAN  ONE   OBJECTION. 

Nior  is  this  the  sole  objection.  Not  long  ago  the  directors 
of  a  trunk  line  of  railroad  held  their  annual  meeting.  It 
finished  its  business  at  a  single  session,  but  before  it  adjourn- 


98 

ed,  it  had  appropriated  $10,000,000  for  extending  its  lines, 
increased  its  rolling  stock,  and  bettering  its  track  and  termi- 
nal facilities.  Howlong  would  it  take  Congress  to  appropri- 
ate $10,000,000  for  a  single  road  touching  only  six  States 
when  every  State  from  Maine  to  Orgon  and  from  Montana 
to  the  gulf  was  asking  equal  apppropriations  for  the  im- 
provement of  their  facilities. 

Say  all  we  please  against  the  influence  of  local  interests, 
but  the  fact  remains  that  no  appropriation  for  the  improve- 
ment of  rivers  and  harbors,  however,  imperative,  can  be  pass- 
ed that  does  not  widely  scatter  its  bounty  so  as  to  include  a 
few  non-navigable  streams  and  some  other  unnecessary  im- 
provements. No  public  building  bill  can  be  passed  for  the 
erection  of  a  custom  house,  public  store,  or  post  office  though 
its  construction  will  save  to  the  government  in  rent  an  amount 
in  excess  of  the  interest  on  the  cost,  that  does  not  also  provide 
for  a  few  post  offices  in  Democratic  and  Eepublican  districts 
alike,  where  the  cost  of  maintainance  after  erection  exceeds 
the  rental  now  paid  for  adequate  quarters,  and  where  the 
erection  of  a  public  building  is  an  absolute  waste  of  money. 
River  and  harbor  bills  and  public  building  bills  are  non- 
partisan measures.  The  opposition  says  much  in  platform 
and  more  from  the  stump  in  favor  of  economy,  but  when  it 
comes  to  appropriations  there  is  a  remarkable  non-partisan 
unanimity  of  opinion  from  every  district  likely  to  be  reward- 
ed. Knowing  as  I  do  that  public  revenues  come  very  large- 
ly from  the  wealthy  and  well-to-do,  and  that  expenditures 
for  rivers  and  harbors  and  public  buildings  go  almost  en- 
tirely to  labor,  I  do  not  wish  this  to  be  understood  as  the 
registration  of  an  objection  to  the  policy  of  internal  improve- 
ments. I  admit  them  to  be  against  the  teachings  of  Jeffer- 
son, and  in  the  face  of  the  early  teachings  of  the  Democratic 
party.  But  on  the  policy  of  centralization  as  well  as  on  most 
other  questions  the  party  of  Jefferson  has  wandered  far. 

If  the  trunk  lines  of  railroad  were  once  placed  under  the 
direct  supervision  and  control  of  Congress,  does  any  one  sup- 
pose that  one  line  could  be  double-tracked  and  rock-ballasted 
until  facilities  on  every  other  line  were  made  equally  good? 
Would  one  road  like  the  New  York  Central  be  given  four 
tracks  and  cement  and  steal  construction  bridges  while  the 
Rock  Island,  with  more  mileage  and  touching  territory  hav- 
ing more  votes  in  the  House  and  several  times  as  many  votes  in 
the   Senate,  has  but  a  sngle  track   and  crosses  streams   or 


99 
bridges  with,  wooden  piers  ?  Would  it  be  possible  to  have  an 
hourly  train  service  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
and  between  Chicago  and  Milwaukee,  with  parlor  cars  and 
diner  sirvice,  and  have  only  two  trains  a  day  between  the 
homes  of  several  times  as  many  Senators  scattered  between 
Seattle  and  St.  Paul?  Would  it  be  possible  to  have  through 
homes  of  several  times  as  many  Stnators  scattered  between 
Seattle  and  St.  Paul  ?  Would  it  be  bossible  to  have  t  through 
fast  train  pass  any  town  without  stopping,  and  especially 
the  home  town  of  a  congressman  or  senator  ? 

There  are  over  20,000  publicservants,  exclusive  of  Presi- 
dential appointees,  under  the  direct  supervision  of  the  de- 
partment at  the  head  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  tempor- 
arily preside.  They  are  a  good,  conscientious,  pains-taking 
body  of  men  and  women,  and  yet  if  the  Treasury  Department 
were  a  private  enterprise  every  whit  as  much  work  could  be 
accomplished  with  a  reduction  of  one-third  in  number  and 
one-fourth  in  the  salary  of  those  remaining.  This  condition 
is  not  to  be  charged  to  civil  service  rules  and  regulations,  of 
which  I  most  heartily  approve,  but  to  the  inherent  nature  of 
public  service. 

For  four  years  I  had  the  honor  of  being  the  ranking  officer 
at  the  State  House  in  Des  Moines.  At  the  beginning  of  my 
term  we  had  no  civil  service  rules,  but  conditions  were  just 
the  same  as  in  the  Federal  service. 

Some  years  ago  while  walking  through  Lincoln  Park, 
Chicago,  I  noticed  a  group  of  25  or  more  men  pushing  lawn 
mowers.  Stopping  to  make  some  inquiry  of  a  policeman,  I 
innocently  asked  why  the  city  did  not  use  mowers  drawn  by 
horses.  I  shall  long  remember  his  reply:  I  guess  you  don't 
live  in  Chicago,  do  you?  How  long  do  you  think  the  city  ad- 
ministration would  live  if  it  mowed  the  park  with  horses?" 

PUBLIC  AND  PRIVATE  ENTERPRISES. 

The  cornerstone  of  the  city  hall  in  Philadelphia  was  laid 
July4,  1874,  but  the  building  was  not  completed  until  dur- 
ing the  first  year  of  the  present  century.  The  capitol  at 
Albany  was  begun  in  the  sixties,  it  was  far  enough  advanced 
to  be  the  scene  of  an  inaugural  ball  during  the  seventies,  and 
was  completed,  all  save  the  tower,  for  which  the  foundation 
was  found  insufficient,  in  1899.  In  the  meantime,  the  two 
great  political  parties  alternated  in  control,  and  I  am  told 
in  one  or  more  instances  four  generations  performed  work 
on  the  building. 


100 

The  appropriation  for  the  public  building  in  Chicago  waj 
signed  by  Grover  Cleveland,  and  about  sixty  days  ago  I 
made  final  settlement  and  signed  the  draft  for  the  last  pay- 
ment, and  was  then  able  to  answer  public  criticism  because 
the  work  had  progressed  so  slowly  with  record  proof  that  it 
had  been  about  as  expeditiously  built  as  most  structures  of 
its  character  erected  by  the  government. 

Harlem  river,  extending  from  the  Hudson  to  the  East 
river,  eight  miles  in  length,  was  dredged  by  the  government  to 
a  depth  of  fifteen  feet  in  seventeen  years. 

Now  note  a  few  instances  of  private  enterprise.  In  1904, 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  began  the  construction  of  twin 
tunnels  through  the  mud  beneath  Hudson  river,  and  four  tun- 
nels extending  thence  under  the  City  of  New  York  and 
beneath  East  river  to  Long  Island  City,  and  now  at  the  end  of 
two  years  feels  confident  that  its  fifteen  miles  of  ninteen-foot 
water-proof  tunnel  will  be  completed  and  in  use  within  the 
contract  period  of  four  years. 

John  B.  McDonald  began  work  on  the  subways  of  New 
York  in  March,  1900,  and  had  nine  miles  with  double  track 
and  stations  in  operation  in  four  years  and  seven  months. 

These  instances  illustrate  the  natural,  the  necessary  and 
the  inevitable  differences  between  private  enterprise  and  gov- 
ernment work,  and  might  be  multiplied  definitely. 

I  do  not  know  that  I  can  explain  the  reasons  why  these 
differences  must  and  always  will  exist  better  than  to  recite  a 
very  commonplace  experience.  I  received  a  telegram  some 
days  ago  from  the  cashier  of  a  little  bank  in  which  I  am  in- 
terested. It  read :  "I  am  offered  forty-two  fifty  an  acre 
for  your  East  Boyer  land.  What  shall  I  do?"  I  answered, 
"You  know  better  than  I.  Do  as  you  think  best."  To  this 
he  replied,  "I  think  the  land  is  well  sold."  These  tele- 
grams were  not  even  preserved.  But  if  I  had  been  acting 
for  the  government  I  would  have  had  the  land  advertised 
for  sale;  I  would  have  sent  a  commission  to  examine  and 
appraise  it;  I  would  have  had  not  less  than  two  subordinate 
officers  of  the  department  go  through  all  the  papers  and  sub- 
mit their  recommendations;  I  would  then  render  final 
decision,  but  I  would  have  been  careful  to  preserve  a 
complete  record  of  everything  lest  on  some  unhappy  day 
after  my  retirement,  and  perhaps  after  my  demise,  an  investi- 
gating committee,  appointed  per  chance  by  an  adverse  Con- 
gress, would  make  inquiry,  and  failing  to  find  positive  proof 


101 
of  honesty  would  make  a  report  filled  with  suggestions  of 
doubt  and  that  would  be  quite  enough  to  brand  my  name  with 
shame.  My  subordinates  take  the  same  precaution  and  safe- 
guard their  reputations  with  an  equal  amount  of  red  tape 
whenever  they  sell  an  old  horse  or  worn-out  piece  of  fur- 
niture. 

For  the  last  ten  years  the  railroads  of  the  United  States 
have  paid  on  the  average  a  fraction  over  three  per  cent,  in 
interest  and  dividends  on  their  capitalization,  including  their 
bonded  indebtedness.  This  would  be  about  four  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  on  what  it  is  estimated  it  would  cost  to  rebuild 
the  roads.  Government  bonds  sufficient  to  cover  the  pres- 
ent purchasable  value  of  the  trunk  lines  of  road  or  to  con- 
struct new  ones,  could  not  be  floated,  free  of  the  burden  of 
taxation  even,  for  less  than  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  and 
under  government  management  the  roads  could  not  pay  two 
per  cent,  on  the  cost  at  present  freight  and  passenger  rates. 

STATES  WOULD  OBJECT. 

Last  year  the  railroads  of  the  country  paid  $54,000,000 
in  State,  county,  township  and  municipay  taxes.  Since  gov- 
ernment property  is  not  subject  to  taxation  of  any  kind,  I 
fancy  Colonel  Bryan's  scheme  will  develop  some  local  op- 
position before  the  States  surrender  revenues  averaging  over 
$1,200,000  for  each. 

It  is  sometimes  said  in  support  of  this  proposed  new  civ- 
ilization that  the  government  does  transport  its  mail  and  op- 
erate its  postoffices  and  its  subtreasuries.  I  reply  that  the 
government  does  not  transport  its  mail.  The  mail  is  carried 
under  contract,  and  whenever  practicable  contracts  are  let 
after  advertising  for  sealed  pro  posals.  Astonishment  is 
sometimes  expressed  at  the  cheapness  with  which  the  govern- 
ment carries  and  delivers  its  mails,  and  yet  I  am  credibly 
advised  than  any  express  company  would  gladly  contract  to 
render  the  same  service  at  a  very  substantial  reduction  from 
what  it  now  cost,  provided  the  government  would  continue  to 
build  postoffices  in  all  the  large  cities  and  in  many  of  the 
small  towns  and  charge  the  cost  thereof  and  the  expense  of 
maintenance  to  other  independent  appropriations  as  it  does 
at  present. 

But  it  is  one  thing  to  have  government  servants  handle  the 
money  at  subtreasuries  and  pay  it  out  as  public  administraion 
requires,  and  quite  a  different  thing  for  the  government  to 


102 
operate  banks,  receive  deposits,  buy  and  sell  exchange,  and 
loan  money  on  interest.  The  government  does  inspect  and 
exercise  jurisdiction  over  such  banks  as  elect  to  operate  un- 
der Federal  charters.  I  would  be  glad  to  have  the  right  and 
privilege  extended  for  savings  banks,  trust  companies,  in- 
surance companes,  and  trunk  lines  of  railroad,  and  perhaps 
other  enterprises,  to  incorporate  under  a  national  charter, 
thereby  inviting  and  submitting  to  Federal  supervision.  The 
government  likewise  supervises  the  business  of  all  common 
carriers  that  elect  to  cross  State  lines  and  thus  engage  in 
inter-State  commerce.  It  not  only  proposes  to  fix  and  deter- 
mine all  freight  rates  when  the  road  and  the  public  cannot 
agree,  but  also  to  so  supervise  the  operation  of  these  roads  as 
to  prevent  rebates  and  discriminations  of  every  kind  and 
abuses  of  every  character  whether  they  affect  indivuals  or 
communities. 

Not  every  avenue  of  evil  in  this  life  can  be  closed  by  legis- 
lation. Israel  suffered  seriously  for  having  worshiped  a 
golden  calf  while  Moses  was  receiving  divine  commandments. 
I  do  not  know  that  we  are  in  danger  of  making  statue  law  the 
object  of  our  idolatry  or  of  substituting  penal  codes  for  the 
plain  teachings  of  morality,  but  I  do  know  that  in  spite  of 
legislation  and  in  the  face  of  penal  codes  abuses  arise  and 
crimes  are  committed.  They  are  discovered  sometimes  even 
in  the  mail  service  and  sometimes  in  the  management  of 
banks.  Postmasters  occasionally  default,  mail  carriers  now 
and  then  commit  larceny,  and  some  bank  officials  prove  in- 
efficient and  others  dishonest.  This  will  always  be  so.  So 
long  as  private  business  and  public  afairs  remain  in  the 
hands  of  men  possessed  of  human  propensities  and  weakness 
manifest  themselves.  Meanwhile  let  us  maintain  a  repre- 
sentative form  of  government,  encourage  individualism,  keep 
the  way  open  for  men  to  embark  in  any  and  every  legitimate 
business,  sanely  and  conservatively  improve  the  laws  we  have, 
strengthening  them  wherever  practicable  and  simplifying  the 
machinery  by  which  they  are  operated.  It  is  the  appropri- 
ate function  of  the  government  to  safeguard  the  individual 
and  to  see  that  the  game  of  business  is  fairly  played;  that 
the  cards  are  held  above  the  table,  and  that  everybody  is 
given  a  square  deal.  It  is  not  the  appropriate  function  of 
the  government  to  sit  in  the  game. 


103 
THE  DEMOCRATIC  HAND  BOOK. 

BY  T.  T.  HICKS. 

The  Democratic  Hand  Bood  for  the  campaign  of  1906  is 
out.  It  was  prepared  by  Democratic  State  Chairman  Sim- 
mons or  by  his  direction ;  and  contains  the  substance  of  what 
Democratic  speeches  and  editors  will  say  and  write  in  this  cam- 
paign. The  Washington  Post,  an  independent  paper,  says 
the  National  Democratic  Campaign  Committee  closed  its  offices 
in  Washington  and  quit  business  as  soon  as  Bryan  made  his 
government  ownership  of  railroads  speech. 

The  State  Democratic  Hand  Book  is  intended  to  be  and  is 
a  prejudice  fertilizer.  Its  authors  have  three  subjects  on  the 
brain:  Negro  office-holding;  what  Democrats  are  doing  for  ed- 
ucation; and  the  alleged  meanness  of  Republican  leaders. 

It  quotes  the  National  Democratic  platform  which 
says  "the  race  question  is  settled,"  yet  a  large  part  of 
the  lessons  it  lays  down  for  Democratic  speakers  to  learn  is 
about  the  negro,  and  an  effort  to  keep  men  from  being  Repub- 
licans because  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
allowed  negroes  to  vote.  They  seek  to  make  men  hate  Re- 
publicans because  negroes  were  once  Republicans.  As  well 
try  to  make  men  hate  the  Pous  and  Kitchens,  because  their 
fathers  were  once  Republicans,  or  Simmons,  because  he  was 
once  a  partner  of  Judge  Faircloth,  who  was  always  a  Republi- 
can. 

The  book  gloats  and  revels  over  the  harsh  things  that  some 
Republican  and  Republican  papers  have  said  about  some 
other  Republicans  and  Republican  papers.  Now  if  that 
amounts  to  anything,  I  can  break  up  the  Democratic  party  by 
the  evidence  of  its  highest  priests  against  each  other.  Has 
anybody  forgotten  what  Capt.  Sam  Ashe  printed  about  T.  B. 
Kingsbury  and  what  Kingsbury  printed  about  Ashe  when  they 
were  editing  the  leading  Democratic  papers  of  the  State?  It 
is  too  bad  to  print.  Don't  you  know  that  J.  P.  Caldwell  and 
Josephus  Daniels  have  not  dared  to  take  each  other's  names 
or  their  papers  on  their  lips  or  in  their  papers  for  years,  and 

that  they  gave  each  other  the seven  years  ago  and  sat 

still  a  long  time  to  keep  from  exploding?  Who  doesn't  re- 
member that  pracitally  every  Democratic  newspaper  in  the 
State  was  two  years  ago  denouncing  Judge  Peebles  and  that 
what  he  and  his  ' '  one  N.  A.  McLean ' '  and  others  were  saying 
and  printing  about  each  other  was  causing  the  moon  to  hide  its 


104 
face  as  it  passed  across  the  State?  Don't  you  know  the  News 
and  Observer  murdered  the  Morning  Post  and  that  the  Post 
gave  its  "dying  declaration"  to  that  effect?  And  that  the 
Kaleigh  Times  makes  Josephus  too  mean  to  live?  Has  any- 
body forgotten  what  Vance  said  about  F.  M.  Simmons  when  he 
was  up  for  confirmation  as  a  revenue  doodler  before  the  senate  ? 
Think  how  Cy.  Watson  and  Hackett  and  others  talked  about 
other  Democrats  who  favored  the  Watts  and  Ward  laws  in  the 
legislature.  And  what  was  it  John  C.  Drewry  and  Josephus 
Daniels  were  saying  about  each  other  only  a  few  months  ago  ? 
Were  Mr.  Laughinghouse  and  Mr.  Strudwick  and  Josephus 
Daniels  right  when  they  lately  charged  that  the  last  state 
senate  and  the  present  railroad  commission  and  Candidate 
McNeill  belonged  to  the  railroads  and  corporations?  I  could 
fill  ten  pages  with  well-known  instances  in  this  state  without 
referring  to  what  the  Bryan  and  anti-Bryan  statesmen  have 
been  saying  about  each  other,  or  what  Bailey  and  John  Sharp 
Williams  and  John  W.  Daniel  and  Simmons  and  Overman  are 
now  saying  and  feeling  and  thinking  about  Mr.  Bryan. 

The  hand  book  admits  that  the  fusion  legislature  appropri- 
ated moer  money  for  public  schools  than  was  ever  done  before, 
but  protests  about  having  spent  still  more  for  schools  since 
1899.  Don't  they  konw  that  the  demands  for  the  amendment 
for  reading  and  writing  voters  after  1908  made  it  criminal 
not  to  increase  the  school  facilities?  Yet  I  live  in  a  township 
with  1,523  white  children  of  school  age,  only  *38  of  whom  were 
enrolled  last  year,  while  the  average  attendance  was  only  442. 
The  attendance  of  blacks  is  not  half  that  large.  Has  the 
Democratic  party  done  anything  to  brag  on  yet?  This  is  an 
average  township,  if  not  the  average  in  the  state.  Those  885 
children  whose  names  are  not  even  on  the  school  rolls  of  the 
townships,  one-half  or  442  of  them  being  boys,  will  soon  be  old 
enough  to  vote,  and  not  being  able  to  read  and  write,  will 
have  no  interest  in  government.  A  dull  mass,  laboring  to 
pay  tax,  but  not  noticed  even  by  a  Democratic  politician  and 
office-seekers!  !  !  !  Why  don't  the  Democratic  party  educate 
the  boys — the  future  voters,  instead  of  concealing  the  truth 
and  prating  about  what  it  is  doing? 

But  the  strogest  and  most  earnest  cue  in  the  book  that  runs 
all  through  it  is:  "Don't  fail  to  abuse  Marion  Butler  on 
every  stump. ' '  To  read  it  convinces  one  that  Chairman  Sim- 
mons can't  sleep  for  dreams  of  Butler.  All  the  little  editors 
ring  those  changes.     The  book  and  the  editors  and  the  speakers 


105 
abuse  Butler  continually.  They  adore  in  Mr.  Bryan  every 
populist  principle  that  Butler  ever  believed.  They  praise  the 
R.  F.  D.  system  that  Butler  was  perhaps  the  first  to  advocate. 
They  hurrah  for  the  railroad  commision  that  Butler  helped 
so  largely  in  1801  to  create.  Not  a  word  do  they  say  about 
those  4,400  negro  votes  they  stole  from  Butler  and  counted  for 
Simmons  in  Halifax  in  1000  and  almost  as  many  in  nearly  all 
the  eastern  counties.  Nigger  votes  were  good  enough  to  steal 
to  keep  Simmons  Aycock  and  Glenn  in  forever,  but  too  mean 
to  support  Butler  in  a  seat  one  term.  The  Democratic  legis- 
lature passed  an  oyster  law  making  criminal  certain  acts,  under 
which  a  thousand  indicments  were  drawn,  by  a  Democratic 
solicitor;  many,  as  it  is  said,  against  dead  men  and  after  nol 
prossing  the  whole  lot  he  and  the  clerk  and  sheriff  sued  the 
state  for  nearly  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  Chairman-Senator 
Simmons  and  his  partner  appeared  for  them  and  collected  the 
bills.  Judge  Clark,  however,  cut  them  down  a  right  smart 
saying  they  were  about  twice  too  big;  but  after  Butler  lost 
his  seat  in  the  Senate  by  negro  votes  being  counted  for  Sim- 
mons, and  John  Bellamy  published  that  he  would  make 
one  of  his  yaller  niggers  frail  him  out  of  the  Senate,  here 
comes  a  man  who  had  some  state  bonds  signed  by  Governor 
Worth  and  Kemp  P.  Battle,  treasurer,  secured  by  a  mort- 
gage that  the  state  had  been  offering  to  pay  25  cents  on  the  dol- 
lar for,  for  twenty  years.  Butler  took  the  case  with  other  big 
lawyers  and  he  made  the  state  pay  them.  "Whatever  Demo- 
cratic hand  book  editors  and  orators  may  say,  no  just  man 
or  God  will  ever  blame  or  punish  Marion  Butler  for  that. 
Democrats  abuse  him  because  they  fear  him.  And  until  they 
took  from  him  by  wrong  and  fraud,  and  are  now  keeping 
from  him,  by  the  same  and  by  appeals  to  race  prejudice,  there 
is  not  one  of  them  who  wouldn't  swap  chances  with  him  for  a 
home  in  heaven. 

The  hand  book  does  not  mention  the  stealing  by  Democrats 
of  the  earnings  of  the  state's  railroad  and  the  refusal  of  Demo- 
cratic officials  to  let  the  people  know  how  much;  nor  their  re- 
porting the  criminal  statutes  against  election  frauds  to  keep 
their  pollholders  out  of  the  penitentiary  nor  their  appropriat- 
ing our  state  tax  money  to  defend  them  when  indicted  for  elec- 
tion crimes  in  the  federal  courts ;  nor  their  electing  a  man  thus 
indicted  as  recording  clerk  of  the  senate  nor  their  failure  to 
furnish  guards  for  marching  convicts  over  frozen  mud  till 


106 
they  died,  no  r  their  failure  for  fifteen  months  to  try  Democrat- 
ic officials  for  beating  a  crazy  man  to  death. 

If  the  wrongs  and  crimes  of  the  Democratic  party,  its 
wastefulness  and  extravagance  and  high  valuations  of  prop- 
erty and  heavy  taxes  had  all  been  put  in  their  hand  book  and 
should  be  made  known  to  the  people,  it  would,  next  November, 
be  in  the  state  as  in  the  nation :  ' '  G-ood-bye  Mr.  Democratic 
Party,  now  and  forever. ' '     So  may  it  be. 

Henderson,  N.  C,  Sept.  22,  1906. 


SUPT.  JOYNER'S  STATEMENT. 

The  Raleigh  News-Observer  of  the  25th  September  submits  Supt.  Joyner's 
statement  which  excludes  City  Schools  and  giving  Rural  Schools  only,  admits 
an  increase  over  half  a  million  dollars  by  the  Democrats. 

COMPARATIVE  EXPENDITURES  FOR  RURAL  SCHOOLS. 

ITEMS  1898  1905  INCREASE 

Teaching $740,489.40  $998,775.33  $258,285.93 

Supervision 21,383.08  53,024.14  31,641.06 

Buildings 53,940.62  273,844.73  219,904.11 

Administration 78,294.35  100,908.34  22,613.99 

Total $894,107.45  $1,426,552.54  $532,445.09 

School  term  in  days.  ..  70  87  17 

Cost  per  day $12,772.96  $16,397.15  $3,624.19 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Prefatory 1 

Platform  N.  C.  Republicans 7 

Comparison  State  Expenses 10 

Lawlessness  in  North  Carolina 14 

As  to  What  You  Shall  Drink 19 

Producer  and  Consumer 22 

Mismanagement  of  Atlantic  and  N.  C.  Rail  Road 25 

One  Way  to  Check  Immigration 27 

Farmers  Have  Not  Forgotten 28 

The  Duty  of  a  Congressman , 28 

Selling  Abroad  Cheaper  Than  at  Home 31 

Exclusion  of  Cheap  Labor. 34 

Work  of  Roosevelt's  Administration 35 

Protective  Tariff 36 

Trade  Expansion 36 

The  Panama  Canal 37 

Japan  and  Russia 3S 

Roosevelt's  Personality 42 

Progress  in  Education  Under  Fusionists 43 

Increase  of  School  Term  by  Republicans 48 

A  State  System  Needed 51 

Platform  National  Republican  1904 55 

Platform  National  Democratic  1904 61 

Record  Democratic  Party  on  Gold  Standard 70 

Evils  of  Appointive  System  School  Officers 74 

Change  Demanded  in  School  System 77 

Brief  Tariff  History 83 

Self  Government 89 

The  Folly  of  Government  Ownership 92 

Jefferson's  Teachings 93 

States  Objection  to  Government  Ownership. , 101 

The  Democratic  Hand  Book 103 

Supt.  Joyner's  Statement  of  Expense  in  Rural  Schools  Alone 106 


• 


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MITTEE 

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W.  S.  PEARSON,  Secretary. 


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